The Charlotte News
Monday, June 22, 1953
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that U.N. supreme commander General Mark Clark this date conferred with South Korean President Syngman Rhee, and afterward announced that he could sign the armistice without South Korean approval but that doing so would "depend on instructions" from the U.S. Government. He said that he was not trying to be overly optimistic, that there remained many problems, but was more encouraged and hopeful after the meeting, though not explaining why. He stated that the truce document was virtually complete, that the timetable for concluding the truce was more or less up to the Communists, that it could be concluded promptly if they so desired. He also said that the South Korean Government would check with the U.N. Command before taking any further unilateral action, as the release of 27,000 anti-Communist North Korean prisoners since the prior Wednesday night, authorized by President Rhee without consultation with the U.N. Command. South Korea, however, showed no inclination to change its opposition to any truce which would leave Korea divided, with its Prime Minister insisting, just prior to the meeting between General Clark and President Rhee, that South Korea had given the allies command of its troops and could just as easily remove them from the battlefront. General Clark made it clear that he believed himself still boss of all U.N. forces, including the 16 South Korean divisions. When asked whether he thought the South Korean troops remained loyal, he answered emphatically in the affirmative.
A late bulletin indicates that Assistant Secretary of State Walter Robertson had said, on departing Washington this date, that he was taking to Korea a secret message from Secretary of State Dulles to President Rhee.
The New York Herald Tribune reported this date from Seoul, in a copyrighted story by correspondent Marguerite Higgins, that South Korea had given formal notification that it would withdraw its troops from U.N. operational control rather than go along with the present armistice terms. The story, which had been prepared prior to the meeting between President Rhee and General Clark, said that the cease-fire negotiated at Panmunjom was definitely out and that an armistice in Korea was as far away as ever, unless the U.N. and the Communists could agree on some formula for enforcing a separate truce, exclusive of South Korea.
In the air war, U.S. Sabre jets this date shot down six enemy MIG-15s.
Ground action was again light, except for continued efforts by the Communists to attack South Korean lines on the east-central front. After a night-long seesaw battle, South Korean Eighth Division raiders recaptured a dominant hill on the enemy-held "Finger Ridge" at the west flank of the previous week's large Communist offensive, the largest offensive since the truce talks had begun two years earlier, primarily designed apparently to push back the truce lines before they were finalized.
Prime Minister Winston Churchill told a cheering House of Commons this date that Britain had not committed itself in any way to go forward and conquer the whole area of Korea and place it under the authority of President Rhee. He said that the Government had sent a sharp note to the President denouncing his "treacherous action" in releasing the prisoners. He said that the U.S. had a heavy burden to bear in guarding the prisoners, having transferred about 30,000 troops from guarding prisoners to holding the front.
Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson, in a letter to Senator Homer Ferguson of Michigan, chairman of the military funds subcommittee of the Appropriations Committee, said this date that the real question in the controversial proposed five billion dollar cut to the Air Force budget was whether a further cut should be made, indicating that if Congress approved his recommended 11.7 billion dollars of new appropriations, the Air Force would have 40.2 billion available at the start of the coming fiscal year on July 1, the additional money being carryover funds, appropriations made in previous years and not yet spent. He said there would be 23.2 billion dollars available for aircraft procurement or purchase of new planes at the start of the fiscal year, which, he said, was an "over-financed" program. It provided financing for more than 42 months, without consideration of new funds to come in the subsequent fiscal year. So, he concluded, the question was whether further reductions in new authorizations for the coming fiscal year should not be made to reduce to a reasonable basis the 2 1/2 years of financed lead time which would be carried into fiscal year 1955. The letter had been in reply to a request for comment on a letter sent by General Hoyt Vandenberg, retiring Air Force chief of staff, urging restoration of 1.4 billion dollars of the five billion dollar cut of the Air Force budget. Secretary Wilson indicated that the proposal by the General was his personal opinion and not an official budget request. Senator Ferguson said that no hearings before his subcommittee had demonstrated that the Administration's proposed budget was not ample.
The President would probably have to decide during the week whether he wanted to put heavy financial pressure on the country's allies to speed agreement on the Western European unified army. The House had voted the previous week to withhold by law about one billion dollars in foreign aid funds until the European Defense Community treaties were ratified, thus far only West Germany having done so. The previous day, Senator Taft had suggested a compromise whereby the President would have discretionary authority to withhold aid on the same condition. Executive session testimony of a State Department official to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee had been released over the weekend, indicating the belief that ratification of the EDC treaties by the other five nations, France, Italy, and the Benelux countries, would occur, by the "logic of events". Joint Chiefs chairman General Omar Bradley had told the Committee that he believed Russia was pulling back in the Cold War, fearing increased U.S. military strength, and needing time to consolidate its position at home.
The House Government Operations Committee, chaired by Representative Clare Hoffman of Michigan, approved a measure this date aimed at amending the President's Defense Department reorganization plan to enlarge the powers of the military, which would prevent Congressional approval of that part of the President's plan. The Committee approved a procedure whereby, to get around the requirement that either the House or the Senate would have to veto the reorganization plan by majority vote within 60 days after its submission by the President, the President's plan would be put into effect without its controversial feature allowing enlargement of the authority of the Joint Chiefs chairman, enabling him to pick and manage the subordinate staff.
In East Berlin, the East German Government admitted this date that sabotage had occurred in the Soviet-managed uranium mines and that violence continued elsewhere against the Communist puppet regime. The Communist Party leadership claimed that Western agents had parachuted into East Germany to spread havoc following the workers' revolt the previous Wednesday, that most of the hundreds of parachutists had been captured and order restored, accusations which U.S. officials said were fantastic. A West Berlin newspaper reported the previous day that 100,000 Germans had gone on strike the prior Thursday in the Saxony uranium mines following a Soviet firing squad having executed 12 anti-Communist demonstrators, the strikers representing more than a third of the men working in the mines. The Soviet zone of Berlin had been sealed off since the riots, but trains were released this date for West Berlin's elevated system, which carried a million passengers per day. None of the five operating lines was permitted to cross the border to West Berlin, however, causing the workers in the Western zone to have to utilize bicycles, buses or streetcars, or travel by foot, to get to work.
In Baton Rouge, La., a black citizens' boycott of city buses entered its fourth day this date, with more than $1,000 collected from black churches the previous day to help provide free rides. The strike had begun shortly after bus drivers had won a four-day strike the prior Thursday against a City ordinance which allowed black passengers to sit at the front of the buses while passing through black neighborhoods.
Cooler air had brought relief to most of the Midwest this date, but high heat continued to plague the South and some Eastern areas. At least 128 persons had died from the heat wave, which had begun the prior Friday, setting new records in many cities. The story indicates that in Ashland, Neb., the high for the country on Friday had reached 198—which would have to be some kind of record worldwide, probably hotter than hell. Wethinks it meant 108. Saturday had even been hotter, with Chicago reaching 104, Fort Worth, Tex., registering 105, Blythe, Calif., Yuma, Ariz., and Presidio, Tex., each reaching 110, while the high was at Gila Bend, Ariz., at 112—still a far piece from 198. Several Texas cities had rationed water, as had some Chicago suburbs. Lightning from a heat-generated storm had killed three persons in New York City and injured seven others, while a similar storm had electrocuted two persons in Ohio, and at least 14 persons had died of heat prostration and 103 had drowned while seeking relief in pools, rivers and lakes.
A report from Hong Kong indicates that the Communist radio station at Kunming advised Chinese peasants the prior Saturday that "depending on God for food and to conquer the spring famine is wrong", advising them to work harder.
In New York the previous day, funeral services were held for Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, executed in the electric chair at Sing Sing Prison on Friday night. Their defense counsel, Emanuel Bloch, said in a funeral oration that the executions had been "an act of cold, deliberate murder", which he placed at the doorstep of the President, Attorney General Herbert Brownell and FBI director J. Edgar Hoover. He praised the Rosenbergs for their "courage and heroism". He said that America should know that it was living under the "heel of a military dictator garbed in civilian attire", that those he had named had "the souls of murderers". About 500 mourners had jammed into the Brooklyn funeral home chapel for the semi-orthodox Jewish services, and a crowd estimated by police at 10,000 were milling around outside in 93-degree heat. When Rabbi Abraham Cronbach said, "Let us give them credit for this: that they did what they thought was right," in reference to the prosecutors in the case, there were hisses and murmurs of "no". He advised the mourners not to be vindictive even though the executions had broken their hearts. A procession of more than 300 cars followed the hearses to Wellwood Cemetery on Long Island, 35 miles from New York City, where a final eulogy was delivered by a Presbyterian minister from Montréal, who praised the "true strength of these people who would not put anything—even life itself—above the best they believed in." He said that the Rosenbergs had died "in the name of humanity, truth and justice."
On the editorial page, "The Rosenbergs Had Their Chance" indicates again support for Justice William O. Douglas having issued the previous Wednesday his stay of the execution of the Rosenbergs, as the issue which had been raised by the two non-retained "next friend" counsel had not yet been considered by the Supreme Court or the lower Federal courts, and deserved a hearing, which the Supreme Court had afforded on Thursday, issuing its decision overturning the stay on Friday, finding that there was no merit to the claim that the 1946 Atomic Energy Act punishment provision had superseded the 1917 Espionage Act punishment provision, the Act under which the Rosenbergs were convicted and sentenced to death for conspiracy to provide the Soviets with critical atomic secrets.
The piece posits that Justice Douglas would have been untrue to his obligations as a Justice had he failed to issue the stay and afford the hearing, that his integrity would have been otherwise impaired, and both his conscience and that of the American people would have been disturbed, had the issue not been adjudicated. It thus continues to laud Justice Douglas, despite the fact that he had been heavily criticized for the action by the public and by members of Congress, at least one of whom had introduced a resolution for his impeachment.
Now that the Rosenbergs had been executed, their passing was being lamented by several different types of people over the entire world, those who earnestly opposed capital punishment for any crime, those who believed that providing atomic secrets to a technical ally in wartime was different from providing secrets, in treasonous fashion, to a declared enemy, that the distinction provided grounds for life imprisonment rather than the death sentence, and by the dedicated Communists and fellow-travelers who saw the Rosenbergs' case as an opportunity to turn attention of the world away from the troubles in Russia and its satellites
It indicates that the evidence of the guilt of the Rosenbergs had been overwhelming, and that they had an opportunity right up to the end, to admit their part in the conspiracy and offer the Government their complete knowledge of it, thereby capable of obtaining commutation of the death sentence. It indicates, therefore, that there was little to be found in terms of sympathy for them, that either they had concluded that they wanted to go out as celebrated martyrs or had been such fanatical, dedicated Communists that they chose to die rather than retard the Communist cause by revealing others who might have taken part in the conspiracy.
"On Rereading Banned Books" indicates that during the weekend, the editorial writer had peeked into some books which had been removed from the State Department Information Service libraries overseas, including Washington Witch Hunt, by Bert Andrews of the New York Herald Tribune, The Loyalty of Free Men, by Alan Barth of the Washington Post, Union Now, by Clarence Streit, editor of Freedom & Union, formerly of the New York Times, People on Our Side, by Edgar Snow, formerly of the Saturday Evening Post, and Thunder out of China, by Theodore H. White and Annalee Jacoby, both formerly of Time magazine.
It indicates that all of the above-named newspapers and magazines had favored the election of General Eisenhower the previous fall, and that the books had one thread in common, that their authors were painstaking reporters. Mr. Barth wrote from a background of study of civil liberties and loyalty procedures. Mr. Streit was well-informed on the nation's Constitutional beginnings and the operations of the old League of Nations, which he had covered for the Times. The other three reporters had spent years covering the fields about which they wrote, in the case of Mr. Snow, decades.
Messrs. Andrews and Barth had a definite prejudice against persecution of innocent persons. Mr. Streit had concluded that the U.S. system of Government was much better than generally realized, that the federal system ought be extended to other free democracies. Mr. Snow advocated establishment of a world federation prior to the forming of the U.N., and favored a planned economy at home, with due regard for providing aid to colonial peoples. Mr. White and Ms. Jacoby wanted the U.S. to sponsor better revolutions in Asia than did the Soviet Union, and believed that the U.S. could offer, in addition to the food and equality offered by the Communists, liberty as well. None of the books could be construed as Communist propaganda.
The Administration, in defending its position, had said that it would not subsidize the propagation of Communist literature, but the main point in dispute was that books by competent, loyal authors were being banned. The banning was because the notions expressed in them were repugnant to Senator McCarthy, who had promoted the banning in the first place. The frankness and accuracy of the banned books also may have contributed to their being declared verboten, as those characteristics disturbed the Senator from Wisconsin.
It comments that nationalism and suppression of individual liberties were on the rise, because the President and Secretary of State Dulles had chosen to "strike down a straw man and ignore the fundamental issue."
"The Lion Leaves, with Fur Intact" indicates that Britain recently had withdrawn its last garrison of troops from Bermuda, ending centuries of occupation of that island. Earlier in the year, Jamaica had obtained a new Constitution, elections were held for the first time in British Guiana, and, most important, a draft for a British Caribbean Federation had been signed by Jamaica, Barbados, Trinidad, Tobago and the British Leeward and Windward Islands, all of which would seek Commonwealth status within the British Empire.
The British had exited the Caribbean before their welcome had run thin and thus retained a portion of their influence in the area. That was in contrast to the French in Indo-China and the Dutch in the East Indies, who had stayed until trouble had arisen among the masses. On the whole, Britain had established a fairly good record of timely relinquishment of power, though they were having their troubles in Egypt, within the Suez Canal Zone, and had removed from India only in the nick of time.
Prime Minister Winston Churchill had said in November, 1942, at the beginning of the North African campaign with the Allies, that he did not intend to be the first King's First Minister to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire, but was now presiding over a continuation of a proper trend, transforming the Empire into a Commonwealth of nations governing themselves, but standing in common with their allies in time of world trouble. It suggests that the process would provide the U.S. with good neighbors, maintain British influence in the world, and provide the colonials with rights to which everyone was entitled.
A piece from the New York Times,
titled "Dog Days Coming", tells the story of the coming
days in one lengthy sentence: "When the street tar gets shiny
and babies in prams go barefoot, when the short sleeve is de
rigueur on Sunday and secretaries match burns on Monday, when all
convertibles are converted and bus windows open … when
sunglasses don't mean a shiner, when sleeves are rolled and jackets
carried, when shirts last a day and all starving actors land jobs in
stock, when people ride ferries for fun and housewives venture salads
for supper, when the city should pay the public for riding subways,
when publicity hounds start cracking eggs on sidewalks—the heat
Drew Pearson indicates that four months earlier he had been in Berlin when it was snowing, as thousands of refugees moved from the Eastern Zone to the Western Zone, and as the proposal for the NATO unified army still had high hopes of success. Russia, which was daily causing the exodus of refugees into free Germany, was more distrusted, more feared and more hated than ever. But then a month later, on March 5, Stalin had died or, suggests Mr. Pearson, was murdered, and then another month passed and Soviet policy began to change, with Russian planes no longer shooting down British and American planes over Germany, and overtures of peace were being communicated.
But now, there was unrest behind the Iron Curtain. Yet, the Kremlin had nullified U.S. leadership such that it could no longer call the shots in Western Europe, but rather Western Europe was calling the shots for the U.S. That change had been the result of U.S. vacillation and hesitation, and the fact that the Soviets needed an era of at least superficial peace to put its own domestic house in order. The tragedy was that the U.S. was largely powerless to exploit the internal strife within the satellites.
He indicates that the reasons for the diminished leadership of the U.S. consisted of astute moves by the Kremlin, coupled with stupid moves by the U.S. Russia had directed the release by Czechoslovakia of William Oatis, the Associated Press correspondent who had been arrested and convicted of espionage for the U.S. Government two years earlier and eventually sentenced to 10 years in prison. Russia also permitted Russian wives of Americans in Moscow to leave the country, was exchanging ambassadors with Yugoslavia and Greece, was easing harsh measures in East Germany, was lifting the Iron Curtain somewhat in Austria, was settling border disputes with Turkey, had pulled Chinese Communist troops from Laos, and had probably inspired the final negotiations of the truce in Korea. None of that had changed the basic Soviet goals, however, of worldwide Communist domination, and even the truce in Korea would still leave Northeast Asia in political ferment. The Soviets could still march into Germany overnight and France remained less defensible than ever. But in a world starved for peace, such Soviet crumbs as had been offered recently were grabbed up greedily, as Western Europe appeared to plead for more.
On the other side of the diplomatic score card, U.S. leadership, at least in the perception of Europe, had become torn with dissension, as Senator Taft had suggested that the U.S. ought "go it alone", strengthening European leaders who argued that Europe should join with Russia. And when two young investigators for Senator McCarthy, Roy Cohn and David Schine, had "pranced through Europe leaving a trail of resentment behind", the country's prestige had not been helped. In the Information Service libraries abroad, the State Department had then ordered the burning of books authored by persons deemed subversive. Those facts, combined with the investigation of schools and churches at home, had provided the impression that America had become a Fascist state. Between such a Fascist state and a police state in Russia, Western Europeans were wondering which was better. While it was a false impression, it had caused America's best friends in Europe to be weakened while strengthening the country's critics.
Former Illinois Governor Adlai Stevenson, touring the world, had been seriously asked the question, "What is the difference between the McCarthy investigations and the trial of Rudolf Slansky?" Ridiculous as it was, the results were real. France had been unable to form a permanent government without including Communists or the anti-American Gaullists; Italy had been unable to form a solid government without either Communist or Fascist cooperation; England was forcing a bilateral meeting with Soviet Premier Georgi Malenkov, regardless of U.S. approval; West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer would soon be out of office, and when that happened, the German Socialists were almost certainly to drift toward Russia; and finally, the United European Army, which the U.S. had worked so long to build up, would not, short of a miracle, wind up being ratified by all six nations who were to participate in it, only West Germany having thus far done so.
Mr. Pearson indicates that it was a pessimistic view, but one which had been confirmed by every dispatch sent from American diplomats in Europe, as well as by the oral reports provided by friendly foreign ambassadors in Washington. He indicates that there were, however, ways out of the problem, which he would discuss in a future column.
Joseph & Stewart Alsop indicate that the previous week was likely to go down in history as the time when Soviet satellites began revolting. The situation remained fluid but high officials within the U.S. Government believed that the riots in Berlin and the release of war prisoners by the South Korean Government had interrupted, if not actually reversed, the new trend of Soviet policy, which had been away from the rigidities of the last years of Joseph Stalin's rule, and could yet present U.S. policymakers with hard choices.
There had been four principal phases, that the Soviets and Communist Chinese had broken the deadlock in the Korean truce talks, that the Soviets had immediately sought to exploit the new atmosphere by initiating an intensive, deadly serious drive for a four-power meeting between the British, Americans, French and Russians, that the "screws were loosened" in the Soviet satellites and in the minor dealings between the Soviets and the West, in part because of domestic political considerations and in another part as preparation for a different type of Soviet-Western relationship, and that finally, the Soviets had begun to provide important hints about two weeks earlier of the new policy, only a few days earlier Soviet leaders having indicated a solid offer of German unification, which would allow the Germans to choose their own government, provided there was agreement by the Western Allies to neutralize Germany, although not necessarily involving its disarmament.
The events of the previous week had impacted the new trend of Russian policy in two different ways. On the one hand, the release of the North Korean prisoners by the South Korean Government had altered the negotiating terms for the truce, which had been all but signed at the point when President Syngman Rhee authorized the release. It appeared unlikely that the South Korean Government could be brought back under control and that the prisoners could be rounded up, per the new conditions of the truce. Moreover, the riots in East Berlin had also likely given the Kremlin second thoughts about the policy of loosening the screws. The Soviets could not offer German unification against a backdrop of wholesale executions and ruthless repressions in the Soviet Zone of Germany, in the wake of the workers' riots and consequent declaration of martial law. If the Stalinist rigidities were reintroduced in Germany, they would be likely reintroduced in all of the satellites. But if they were not reintroduced, and if the Korean truce proceeded, it would become very clear that the Kremlin meant to carry through with its new policy.
The Alsops conclude, therefore, that the events of the previous week had been a decisive test of the changed Soviet trend, and if that change proved to be real, U.S. policy would require hasty re-examination.
Robert C. Ruark discusses censorship in the military, with a performance of "Mister Roberts" having been recently canceled at Mitchel Air Force Base in Long Island as being too racy for family consumption, as well as publishing rights for the Overseas Weekly having been canceled because it printed stories about transsexual Christine Jorgensen and the Mickey Jelke vice-ring case, in which the prospective margarine heir was convicted of hiring out two young women as prostitutes, deemed also too racy for the young soldiers, despite the fact that pre-adolescents had been regularly consuming the news of those two stories. He finds it a phony paternalistic attitude toward soldiers.
As a Navy censor during the war, Mr.
Ruark says that he had become aware that a "fouler-mouthed, more
larcenous, rowdier, more disobedient, licentious, drunker bunch of
hellions" he had never seen, most of them averaging about 20
years of age. "If there was whiskey anywhere, they would find
"At the same time there never was a better bunch of fighting men, these ruffians who were mama's boys, all. But to attempt to keep the crudities of life from them was tantamount to forbidding the moon to a howling dog."
He finds that "Mister Roberts" was rather tame compared to actual military life, and that even his grandmother had not been the least shocked when she had seen the play in New York. He also finds it absurd to ban a publication because of such stories about Christine Jorgensen and Mickey Jelke. He concludes that all the censorship and preachments in the world would not keep the soldiers from the "native quarter and away from the bad booze and the naughtier damsels."
A letter writer, a rising senior at
Tech High School in Charlotte, indicates that the school had not had
Bible teaching for several years because of a lack of teachers for
the program, a big disappointment to students and parents because
there were many students at the school who wished to participate. She
sees no harm in having Bible instruction in the public schools, that
a person ought be as instructed in religion as in the other standard
subjects. Because the Bible study program was an elective course, it
involved no compulsion. With all the immorality and sin in the world
at present, she asserts that knowledge of the Word of God was needed
more by young people than ever before, that they needed something to
lean on and look to
Now, that's all hogwash and you know it. In a town like Charlotte, with churches on practically every street corner, one of the most church-concentrated cities in all of the country, you know very well that there were plenty of outlets for Bible instruction, if one really wanted it. Surely high school students had enough gumption, with their own driver's licenses in hand and probably plenty of horsepower at their disposal, to set out on their own on Sunday mornings, even if their parents were not of a mind to attend Sunday School or church with them. If they did not have a car at their disposal, a feeble excuse, as surely they would have friends with at least one among them, then they could ride their bicycles, walk or bum a ride to the church. It could not have been more than a couple blocks away from wherever they might have lived in Charlotte or even out in the hinterlands of Mecklenburg County. For, as defrocked Methodist minister and former News reporter and lawyer, the late Tom Jimison, once had said of Mecklenburgers, they were the "lowest-kneeling, loudest-praying, tightest-fisted, hardest-drinking clan of Scotch Presbyterians that ever staggered to the polls to vote dry …, would crucify Christ again right in front of the First Presbyterian Church if ever he dared to show up here." Dissembling by pretending that there was no other outlet than the public schools for receiving religious instruction does not serve your cause.
A letter from Harry Golden, editor of the Carolina Israelite, finds that the Baptist resolution regarding the Bible program in the public schools was an historic document, pointing out that Baptists had once been persecuted as a religious minority, and to have championed, as the "majority", the concept of separation of church and state was a tribute to them and their ministry. He indicates that the facts that the Bible study program was elective and that the salaries of the teachers were paid by outside groups were important, and that if the issue were only Mecklenburg County, all would be well. But, for instance, in Lima, Wisc., where the "majority" was Roman Catholic, the public school was combined with the Catholic parochial school, prompting the Protestants of that community to take the matter to court. He suggests that there was a danger of balkanization of tax-supported school systems, whereby the "majority" religion of a particular community would teach religious faith or denomination in the public schools. He reminds that when President Truman had appointed General Mark Clark as Ambassador to the Vatican, the reaction from Protestants in the country had been immediate, finding it a violation of the principle of separation of church and state, such that the President eventually withdrew the appointment. He finds that such issues could lead to ad hoc determinations which accommodated only the majority will in a given community. There was presently pending litigation in New Mexico, Missouri, Colorado and Illinois to outlaw attempts of school boards to transform public schools into parochial schools, in most cases litigation supported by Protestants. He urges that centuries of experience had taught that religious training belonged in the home, with the cooperation of the churches, and that use of compulsory attendance laws for public schools to teach particular religious doctrine was not only a violation of the Establishment Clause but also could be construed as an admission that the churches and the family were not up to the task of religious instruction.
Parenthetically, Mr. Golden would reference the fact of the Baptists having championed separation of church and state, during his appearance on "Firing Line" with William F. Buckley, Jr., in 1966, a program primarily devoted to the issue of the chafing between the states' rights doctrine arising under the Tenth Amendment and Federal enforcement of civil rights under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments and pursuant to the powers of Congress under the Commerce Clause of the Constitution.
Links-Date — Links-Subj.