The Charlotte News

Saturday, February 7, 1953


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that U.S. Sabre jets, outnumbered 14 to 8 by enemy MIGs, had shot down two of the enemy jets over northwest Korea this date, as allied fighter-bombers hit front line positions, a rail line and supply concentrations.

The Air Force said that during the previous week, its planes had shot down two enemy MIGs, probably destroyed another, and damaged three. Three allied planes had been lost during the week, none of which had been Sabres.

In ground action, three allied patrols clashed with enemy units as large as 75 men in skirmishes lasting up to an hour in no-man's land, with one fight near the Mundung Valley on the eastern front and another northeast of the "Punchbowl" on the eastern front, with a third on the western front, north of the "Hook". The temperature was near zero all along the battle front.

Set to take command of the Eighth Army on the following Wednesday from retiring commander General James Van Fleet, Lt. General Maxwell Taylor toured the battle front with General Van Fleet this date, as the latter bade farewell to the multi-national army he had headed for nearly 22 months.

The U.N. this date was reported to be preparing an emphatic call on the U.N. allies for more help in Korea, as a part of a new grand strategy being worked out by the Eisenhower Administration for ending the war. The U.N. released a survey which declared that a quick 1.75 billion dollars in aid and investment would be necessary to save South Korea, adding that black marketing and illegal profiteering were rife in that nation. There were also indications that diplomatic experts were studying the possibility of a blockade of Communist China, though some sources said that while there was little chance of such a move, there might be an increase in economic restrictions presently in effect. Some U.N. members were said not to favor a blockade and there was doubt that it would be completely effective in any event.

U.N. postal officers disclosed this date that there had been a sharp decrease in the amount of mail from allied prisoners of war to their families, whereas the volume of letters to the prisoners had been high. Seven months earlier, the North Korean and Chinese Communists had stopped all mail going to Communist prisoners held by the allies. The Communists also appeared to be discouraging allied prisoners from writing home. The allied postal officer had provided 1,900 letters from families of U.N. soldiers to the allied prisoners in camps in North Korea, and the Communists had delivered only ten letters from those prisoners to their families. Since the mail exchange program had begun 13 months earlier, the allied command had delivered to the Communists 230,000 letters for U.N. prisoners, whereas the Communists had provided 52,000 letters from allied prisoners to their families.

Senator William Knowland, chairman of the Senate Republican policy committee, rejected a demand the previous day by Senator John Sparkman that President Eisenhower inform the country of what steps and consequences might follow from his announcement that the Seventh Fleet would be withdrawn from the Formosa Straits. Senator Knowland said that the previous Administration had signaled in advance its intentions to the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communists, and he wanted the Communist world to have to wait anxiously for awhile. Senator Alexander Smith of New Jersey said that Secretary of State Dulles had promised to provide details of the Administration's plans in Asia to a subcommittee on Far Eastern relations, upon his return from Europe. Senator Sparkman complained that though the President had stated a promise of bipartisan foreign policy, he had not consulted with Democrats regarding his decision to deneutralize Formosa. He demanded to know whether it was the first step toward involving the U.S. forces in mainland China and thus possibly the first step toward global war. Senator Alexander Wiley of Wisconsin, on the Foreign Relations Committee, said that when President Truman had ordered the neutralization policy implemented after the start of the Korean War, Communist China had not yet entered the war, and once they had entered, the fleet, he contended, acted as a barrier to protect the mainland rather than Formosa. Senator Sparkman replied that Admiral William Fechteler, chief of Naval operations had been quoted as saying that at no time had the Seventh Fleet prevented the Nationalists from undertaking sorties against the mainland.

In Brussels, Secretary of State Dulles arrived to continue his survey of European defense planning, buoyed by his finding that Western European leaders generally believed a common army offered the best guarantee of peace and security. He arrived in Belgium after touring the flood-devastated Netherlands the previous day, both Belgium and Britain having also been hit by the terrible flooding. The following day, he would complete his survey in Luxembourg, before returning to Washington. He would, in addition to his defense recommendations, provide a report to the President and to the Congress on what the U.S. could do to relieve suffering in the Netherlands and enable it to pull its own weight in the continental defense plan. Thus far, none of the participating countries, France, Italy, West Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands or Luxembourg, had ratified the Army plan, regarding which the Secretary had informed them he wanted to see definite progress toward ratification by April 1.

In Belgrade, the Greek Foreign Minister said this night that Greece, Yugoslavia and Turkey had arranged a meeting for Athens later in the month to draft a "little three" Balkan pact of friendship and alliance to combat the threat of Russian aggression.

After the President had released wage and some price controls the previous day, the country was beginning to adjust again to a free-market economy amid predictions that there would be little immediate change in the costs of living. Additional price ceilings would be canceled gradually until all were phased out by their previously scheduled expiration date of April 30. The President had removed all meat, clothing, furniture, restaurant meals, bar and tavern drinks, and virtually all articles sold in department stores from price control. Controls remained for the time being on other items, such as milk, bread, cigarettes, cosmetics, and large household appliances such as stoves and refrigerators.

Representatives of both sides in the tugboat strike in New York said the previous night in separate statements that progress was being made toward negotiating a settlement, with negotiations set to continue this afternoon. The strike was in its seventh day, and the Federal Mediation Service in Washington had urged it to be called off pending arbitration. The suggestion, however, was put aside for the time being, in the hope that a settlement could be reached without resort to Federal intervention. The NLRB office in New York had announced the previous night that it was prepared to seek a Federal injunction to bar picketing under the Taft-Hartley Act. The picket lines had resulted in a tie-up on Thursday of 75 percent of the New York Port's traffic, as non-striking longshoremen refused to cross the picket lines, until a State court order obtained on Thursday night had banned the pickets from the city's piers, resulting in resumption of business on 36 of the 112 idle piers the previous day. The State appellate division had, however, reversed the order the previous day and thus the pickets were free to be set up again, but the union decided not to do so to avoid the prospect of a Federal injunction.

In New York, friends of former Mutual Security administrator Averell Harriman had begun a movement to nominate him for the Democratic ticket in the mayoral race the following November.

Near Bordeaux, France, a French DC-4 passenger liner crashed in a fog, killing at least seven of the 14 passengers and seven crewmen aboard, with 12 having survived, though some with severe burns. The plane had been attempting a landing when it cracked up on a forest road not far from the airport.

Near Franklin, W. Va., searchers found two men, ages 30 and 20, from Washington, D.C., who had been lost since the prior Wednesday afternoon in a vast cave, without food and in the dark after their flashlight had burned out about an hour after entering the cave. They had to keep moving to avoid freezing, but were able to walk out on their own steam, though hungry and exhausted. The cave had been used by the Confederate Army as a gunpowder depot during the Civil War. Their families had organized a search party after becoming concerned when they did not return home.

In Raleigh, during the week, the General Assembly had passed a bill creating a three-member Board of Paroles; the Senate had passed a measure which would allow the Governor to replace the 15 members of the Board of Conservation and Development; and bills were presented to both chambers authorizing reorganization of the State Highway Commission, all programs favored by Governor William B. Umstead in his inaugural address.

In Greenville, S.C., Carter "Scoop" Lattimer, 58, sports editor of the Greenville News and considered dean of the South Carolina sportswriters, had died early this date from a heart attack suffered in a downtown café shortly after leaving the newspaper office, dying a few minutes later in the hospital. He had joined the staff of the Greenville Piedmont in his late teens, and later became city editor of that newspaper, had, in 1923, served as U.S. vice-consul in Québec, and had later become a columnist for the Hall-Lavarre newspaper chain, then sports editor of the Atlanta Georgian, before returning to Greenville to become sports editor of the News. He had fought for several years to clear the name of "Shoeless" Joe Jackson, a member of the notorious Chicago "Black Sox". Former Governor Strom Thurmond had named Mr. Lattimer a "colonel" on his staff in 1947.

Speaking of "Shoeless" Joe, that so-and-so, his sport, basketball, Quebec, colds and Louisville, we, candidly, have seen, in the entire history of sports observation to date, of which there have been many observed contests of various forms of gladiatorial intrigue, only once before, at least on an ashen floor, such a spectacle, should you deign to call it that, when, boiled to cases, it being more elliptical in its nature, at least to certain faces, as that which transpired in Chapel Hill this Saturday in 2020, that prior event having occurred in 1974, also in Chapel Hill, though then witnessed from courtside in personam, not via the translated medium comprised of wavering lines of questionable interpretation by those who propose themselves as judges of ye and thee, I and thou, the interpreters, who, nearly as often as not, in our observational experience, when the judgment is the least subject to artistic exegesis, flub the call, even when slowed to a crawl for their aging perceptive devices, uncontrolled by any visible artificial contrivances, to discern, presumably, more perspicaciously that which, in reality, had, moments aforehand, temporally slipped interstitially between other points along the continuum of time and space, but, notwithstanding those plentiful errors, we are compelled, by the sheer persistency of will power displayed of the opponent, even if devilish in its deep-blue inspiration, to congratulate the victors, who, in the end, obviously, wanted the prize more, this time. Yet, our school did run, as we counseled, and, for the most part, though not thoroughly throughout the contest, were concerned more with winning than worried about not losing, which could translate well into the remaining contests. And there will come another...

On the editorial page, "Once Again, a Free Economy" indicates that the President's order to lift controls on wages and many prices had furnished a test of two fundamental economic tenets, that collective bargaining, without governmental interference, was the best way to settle wage disputes, and that the normal free-market would produce lower prices than controls. The piece quotes from his State of the Union, in which he had made similar statements, now putting his theory to the test by removing the controls.

It indicates anticipation that there would be price adjustments during the ensuing few weeks, with some increasing and some decreasing, but it believes that the economy was too complex and the people too individualistic and independent for rigid controls to work during any time other than in a grave national emergency, and is pleased that the economy would be free and unregulated again.

"After the Stumble, the Sprint" indicates that the President, in his initial efforts to work with Congress, had stumbled, as Republicans voted to provide him less power than had President Truman with regard to reorganization of the executive branch, by decreasing the necessary majority in either house, from a constitutional majority of the entire membership to a simple majority of those present and voting, to veto any reorganization plan submitted by the President. Budget director Joseph Dodge had warned the committees of each house that the President could not effectively reorganize the executive branch without such power, but the committees had ignored him and recommended the changed legislation.

But this week, the Administration had gotten back on its feet and was able to convince the full House, by a vote of 389 to 5, to reverse the committee and provide the President with the same powers possessed by President Truman. The Senate Committee on Government Operations then reversed its previous position, and the full Senate had concurred the previous day.

It indicates that reorganization bottlenecks might still occur in the committees, the Senate counterpart chaired by Senator McCarthy, and the House equivalent, by Congressman Clare Hoffman, but that the Administration ought be able to work around those two committees, if they could maintain good bipartisan support, as was evident during the votes this week on the matter. It indicates that it was good to see the display of strength and cooperation between the Congress and the new Administration.

"Let's Protect the Consumer Too" indicates that the President had begun in his State of the Union address earlier in the week to pull Republicans away from their traditional high-tariff, protectionist position, urging extension of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act and removal of customs regulations which hindered profitable trade.

The coal industry had been lobbying to get a higher tariff on oil, as the coal industry had been losing customers to fuel oil, thus hoping to make fuel oil more expensive to consumers. The National Coal Association, in its literature, had condemned "unwise dependence" on foreign sources of fuel as being "contrary to the best interests of the nation", but the piece disagrees, finding it more sensible to import fuels which could be obtained cheaply from foreign sources rather than exhausting the nation's own supply, as its oil reserves were being depleted rapidly, whereas coal was the nation's most abundant fuel reserve. In addition, the Government needed to protect consumers and should oppose attempts to increase consumer prices artificially. Finally, the Government could help a domestic producer convert to profitable production, such as in the areas of plastics and synthetics, the possibilities of which the coal industry had spoken glowingly. It suggests that the coal industry ought to convert to those fields, and then the Government could aid in the conversion, a more sensible solution than raising tariffs on foreign sources of oil.

A piece from the Louisville Courier-Journal, titled "Preferred Names for Boys and Girls", indicates that a man in London annually scanned the lists of birth announcements in the London Times and tabulated the names, releasing them in order of their popularity. For 1952, the list of boys' names, in order of prevalence, were John, David, Richard, James, Charles, Peter, Michael, Nicholas, Andrew, and Anthony. For girls, the choices were Ann or Anne, Mary, Elizabeth, Jane, Margaret, Caroline, Susan, Sarah, Catherine, Diana and Frances.

The name Joan had once been considered so low in the pecking order that Shakespeare had told of how "greasy Joan doth keel the pot." It also observes that the Victorian Doras, Amys and Mauds were almost gone, that James had moved up from 8th to 4th place in 1952, and that Nicholas had made the list for the first time, while Susan had lost ground. Increasingly popular also-rans were Simon and Timothy, Amanda, Miranda and Helen.

It indicates that it was surprising to Americans that in such a list of popular British names there was no Percy or Algernon.

If yours, incidentally, is not upon the preferred list of British appellations, do not despair in consternated wish. Just remember the image, be it, on the twig, bird or bear, thundering, blanched, through the variegated air, perchance to dig, that being, in coexistent part, the question.

Drew Pearson indicates that Attorney General Herbert Brownell, anxious to find the best Solicitor General for the job of representing the Government in cases before the Supreme Court, had sought the advice of Chief Justice Fred Vinson recently, who did not venture an opinion, rather provided to Mr. Brownell a lecture on the three separate branches of government, stressing that the judiciary had to remain independent from the executive and legislative branches, and that he would consider it the height of impropriety to suggest that a particular lawyer be appointed to represent cases before the Court. The Attorney General had planned to consult the other members of the Court, but after his discussion with the Chief Justice, canceled the appointments. Mr. Pearson notes that Justice Felix Frankfurter was disappointed because he had planned to provide Mr. Brownell the same lecture.

Speaker of the House Joe Martin had indicated his desire that Congress would recess just after Easter, rather than just before, as he was a bachelor and needed to help a fellow bachelor, Florida Congressman Charles Bennett, who was to be married in Palm Beach, Fla., on April 6, and wanted to have a brief honeymoon, which he could not have unless the recess occurred after Easter.

Former Price administrator Mike DiSalle left Washington recently, having concluded as Economic Stabilizer after having been defeated in the Senate race in Ohio by incumbent Senator John W. Bricker. He said, upon his departure, that he would return.

The U.S. might organize a NATO for the Far East, a pact of all of the Far Eastern nations, to provide a bulwark against Communism in Asia, including Korea, Indo-China, Burma and Malaya. The headquarters would probably be in Singapore. Such an organization had first been suggested by the British, anxious to play a more active role in Far Eastern affairs, and Secretary of State Dulles had been responsive to the idea. SEATO would be formed in 1954, with its headquarters in Bangkok.

Marquis Childs indicates that Senator Taft, during his campaign for the presidency a year earlier, had made an important speech on foreign policy in Seattle, urging that the Nationalist forces on Formosa be given the power to attack the mainland of China, causing a political uproar in Washington, with eventual vice-presidential nominee Senator John Sparkman saying that it would lead to all-out war on the Chinese mainland with the U.S. Senator Warren Magnuson of Washington said it would be a "Taft war" in China, in response to Senator Taft's statement that Korea was "Truman's war".

The more ardent advocates of the Nationalists agreed with Senator Taft, but had pointed out that the move could only be accomplished with the help of the U.S. Navy and Air Force.

Senator Taft had also said in the same speech that he had no confidence in the Joint Chiefs, saying that if he were President, he would fire them.

It had been reported that in President Eisenhower's decision to remove the Seventh Fleet from the Straits of Formosa, the Joint Chiefs had not been consulted, a report which was not strictly accurate, as the Joint Chiefs had been informed by the President at an early stage that there was such a move being considered but that he had decided to reject it. Officially, the Joint Chiefs knew nothing further about the planned move until the President announced it in his State of the Union address earlier in the week. The fact suggested that the new President might make foreign policy without first consulting the Joint Chiefs, instead relying on other military advisers, such as Admiral Arthur Radford, the Navy's commander-in-chief in the Pacific.

Meanwhile, Joint Chiefs chairman General Omar Bradley was set to retire the following August, and chief of staff of the Air Force General Hoyt Vandenberg and chief of staff of the Army General J. Lawton Collins were also set to retire within a few months. Speculation at the Pentagon indicated that Admiral Radford would be groomed to succeed General Bradley as chairman. Repeatedly, General Bradley had said that the Joint Chiefs did not set policy, but instead reported on what could or could not be accomplished militarily. But major decisions on a high political level had to be made by the President, his principal advisers in Congress and the Cabinet. General Bradley had made it clear in testimony two years earlier when General MacArthur had been fired by the President that any move onto the mainland of China would be a major mistake, potentially involving the U.S. in the wrong war in the wrong place at the wrong time.

Frederick C. Othman indicates that the State Department's filing system was about like his own, with the important stuff in the wastebasket, tossed out by the cleaning woman, or chewed up in the electric fan, a haphazard system in both instances. The woman who had been custodian of records for the State Department had testified before the McCarthy Investigating subcommittee that the trouble with the filing system was that each diplomat had about 11 different files in almost as many places, that she maintained records of some 8,000 diplomats scattered all over the world and could not keep track of what was in an individual file because between 300 and 400 people had access to the records room. She had discovered by accident the previous year that some documents had been taken from the files, one having been ordered burned, some borrowed by officials for as long as 18 months, and in one case an entire file on one diplomat had disappeared. She blamed the missing file on the moving men of the General Services Administration, who moved file cabinets of documents through town in open trucks, and if the cabinet drawers were to slide open, it would be easy for a file to be blown away. She had once observed from her window a box full of material fall off one of the trucks and the movers were oblivious to it.

She made news when she said that one of the persons who had access to the files was John Service, suspended from the State Department on the basis of charges by a loyalty board that he had given out confidential information to unnamed but unauthorized persons.

The custodian of records said that she had asked her bosses repeatedly to allow her to put in place better controls on the files and check them at least once per month as to who had them and why, but nothing had occurred in that regard.

Senator McCarthy had thanked her for her frank testimony and told her that if anybody at the State Department were to get tough with her for making so many candid statements, to let him know about it, that he intended that she would suffer no consequences for having told the truth.

The "Congressional Quiz" asks whether the presidential election had always involved the popular vote of the entire country on the same day, answering that prior to 1845, each state held their general elections at different times, with the only restriction being that it had to be held no less than 30 days prior to the meeting of the electoral college.

It asks whether Washington had always been the scene of the presidential inauguration, indicating that the first inauguration of George Washington had been held in New York, and that his second inauguration and that of John Adams had been in Philadelphia, with Thomas Jefferson, in 1801, having become the first President to be inaugurated in Washington.

It asks how many members of Congress were lawyers, indicating that there were 56 in the Senate and 249 in the House.

It asks whether a new Representative could be appointed when vacancies occurred in the House, indicating that the vacant seat had to be subject to election, whereas in the Senate, appointments could be made temporarily to fill vacancies until the next regular election in the state.

It asks whether there was a limit on the amount of money which could be spent on elections, answering that the Federal Corrupt Practices Act and the Hatch Act set spending ceilings at three million dollars for a national political committee, $25,000 for a candidate for the Senate and $5,000 for a candidate for the House, but that election laws had so many loopholes that more money was actually spent, with some politicians having guessed that the 1952 campaign had cost as much as 100 million dollars.

It asks where the electors met at the time they cast their ballots on December 15, 1952 in the electoral college, indicating that they met in their various state capitals and there cast their ballots.

A letter writer from Greensboro, the executive director of the Children's Home Society of North Carolina, expresses appreciation for the February 2 editorial, "A Sound Adoption Requirement", which had advocated retention of the requirement that a judge or welfare agency approve of an adoption before a child was placed in a foster home. She agrees that the stance was the best for the welfare of babies and children being placed for adoption in the state.

A letter writer indicates that the Republican state chairman should call the state committee together for endorsement or rejection of patronage appointments, finds that some of the leadership had inflated heads, and hopes that the bickering within the state party between the Taft factions and Eisenhower factions over patronage would cease.

A letter writer indicates that she was touched by the column in Tuesday's newspaper by Reverend Herbert Spaugh, concerning a soldier and a Bible which had saved his life, finding that the soldier had given good advice to mothers, and suggests that if all mothers prayed for their sons to be safe in the war and return home to live Christian lives, more of them would do so. She urges reading all of Rev. Spaugh's columns.

A letter writer indicates that the people of the community could not expect much action from its legislative delegation in the General Assembly in 1953, as they had agreed to disagree on local legislation.

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