The Charlotte News

Saturday, July 12, 1952


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Jack Bell, that General Eisenhower had set out this date on a Republican "shining promise" crusade for the presidency, with his 39-year old running mate, Senator Richard Nixon of California, at his side. The latter, Mr. Bell indicates, "dramatized the new GOP bid for support of the nation's younger people." Having been a lieutenant commander in the Navy, Mr. Nixon completed an Army-Navy team for the Republicans.

He next recaps the General's nomination acceptance speech of the previous night, indicating that he had been dressed entirely in blue—"a color that pleases the eye of TV cameras". He had stated a goal of "total victory" and promised to campaign in "every nook and cranny of this land". He said that he knew that the battle could not be won by a few or by divided or uncertain forces. He urged especially younger people to join his cause and promised to work "intimately" with the three candidates who had lost the nomination, Senator Taft, Governor Earl Warren and former Governor Harold Stassen. Each had pledged his full cooperation to the campaign.

Senator Nixon, as a member of the California delegation which had solidly supported Governor Earl Warren, had not voted for the General during the first-ballot selection process, which eventually gave way, after former Governor Harold Stassen threw Minnesota's support to the General, putting the latter over the top, finally resulting in unanimous acclamation by the convention. The end of the first ballot had provided General Eisenhower with 595 votes, nine short of the necessary 604 for nomination, to 500 for Senator Taft, until the change of the Minnesota vote, followed by a groundswell of changes, led by Texas, from Senator Taft to the General.

That's all right, because, according to reports, Governor Warren never liked Mr. Nixon anyway, thought he traveled with henchmen who appeared to be a little on the crooked side, like guards for a gangster.

Leaders of the new RNC expected General Eisenhower to approve Arthur Summerfield of Michigan, reputed to be the largest Chevrolet dealer in the world, as the new chairman and chief of the election campaign. The RNC had 68 new members, expanding to 138 from the former membership of 106, of whom 36 serving during the previous four years had been replaced, along with 32 new state chairmen, who became additional members as a bonus to states which had voted Republican in the previous election.

Southern Republicans were expressing optimism that the General could carry the South in November, but said that their major problem was organizing their forces, having come to the convention badly split between the General and Senator Taft. The fact that the General had promised to campaign in the South had encouraged them. They believed that the Democrats had only one candidate, Senator Richard Russell of Georgia, who could carry the South. The chairman of the Florida delegation predicted that, without question, the General would carry that state in the November election—as he would.

Saul Pett of the Associated Press provides the first of a five-part series on the life of General Eisenhower, the first of which indicating his rise from humble beginnings in Abilene, Kansas, to become the General who had planned and organized the Normandy invasion on June 6, 1944, had returned home to become chief of staff of the Army, the president of Columbia University, and, most recently, spending a year and a half as supreme commander of NATO. Only eleven years earlier, he had hoped no one would think him conceited for asking for command of a regiment, and had become angry ten years earlier when someone had suggested that he ought to become president, responding, "Baloney!" He had never been inside a political headquarters until a month earlier, following his return from the NATO command.

His forebears had been simple German folk, originally named "Eisenhauer", meaning "hewer of iron"—or "iron beater", as it had been translated when he first took over as commander of the Allies in Europe in June, 1942. (At the time, he was so unknown that reporters often misspelled his surname as "Isenhower".) The family had migrated from Germany to Sweden in the 17th century, then to Holland, and finally, around 1732, to the United States, first settling in Pennsylvania, then about 150 years later, in Kansas. His ancestors had been Mennonites, highly moral, almost puritanical, and militantly pacifist. He was born on October 14, 1890 in Denison, Texas, and his family had moved to Abilene, Kansas, two years later. His mother, Ida Eisenhower, apparently the dominant influence in his home while growing up, had become, prior to her death in 1946, a Jehovah's Witness and a conscientious objector to war. The General had said many times that he hated war but had never explained his profession vis-à-vis his mother's teachings. According to his biographer, John Gunther, his mother had disapproved of his choice of profession but never had opposed it. His father had opened a merchandise shop in Abilene, but failed at it, later working as a mechanic in a creamery, and never had earned much. The General had said that his father had failed twice, but that each time, his mother had just smiled and worked harder. His family, as he grew up, lived in a frame house on the "wrong side of the tracks", and young Dwight, like his five brothers, of whom he was the middle in age, sometimes had to wear his mother's high-button shoes.

Morrie Landsberg reports on the new running mate, Senator Nixon, who indicated that the "great issue" of the campaign would be Communism and the fight against it, "an issue," he contended to a press conference the previous night, "the Democrats are stuck with." He said the Democrats had failed to halt Communist aggression and that the country had to have a more effective program "to save ourselves from being destroyed from abroad and within the country." The Senator had made his name as a member of the House Committee on un-American Activities in 1948, when former Communist courier Whittaker Chambers had testified in August before the Committee that former State Department official, Alger Hiss, had, during the latter 1930's, attended Communist meetings, then subsequently testified that Mr. Hiss had provided him during 1937-38 with secret State Department documents to be forwarded to the Russians, resulting in the revelation in November, 1948 of the microfilm which Mr. Chambers claimed he had taken of the Hiss-provided documents and stored in a pumpkin on his Maryland farm, transferring them recently from a dumbwaiter shaft at his nephew's home in Brooklyn where he contended they had been stored for a decade, subsequently digging them up for Congressman Nixon and HUAC lead investigator Robert Stripling, originally produced in response to a discovery request by Mr. Hiss's attorney in Mr. Hiss's civil suit for defamation against Mr. Chambers, based on statements the latter had made implicating Mr. Hiss as a member of the Communist Party, a charge which Mr. Hiss had dared Mr. Chambers to make outside his umbrella of civil immunity afforded by the Committee hearings, which Mr. Chambers had then obliged on a "Meet the Press" radio broadcast. Congressman Nixon had testified before the grand jury on the matter in December, 1948, which ultimately resulted in indictment of Mr. Hiss for perjury before the grand jury regarding the matters, concluding in early 1950 with Mr. Hiss's conviction and sentence to prison for five years, after a prior jury had hung in 1949.

Senator Nixon indicated that if he had written the Republican platform, it would have been much shorter with fewer adjectives, "more direct and simpler to read". He believed the domestic policies set forth by the platform lacked directness in some instances, especially on labor legislation. He said that his views on domestic and foreign policy were very close to those expressed by General Eisenhower, that his main contribution to the ticket would be his ability "to conduct a fighting campaign". Mr. Nixon had defeated Democratic Congressman Jerry Voorhis in his first bid for elective office, the House race in his home district in California in 1946, winning re-election in 1948 and then defeating Congresswoman Helen Gahagan Douglas in the Senate race of 1950. He had been born in Yorba Linda, California, in 1913 and had finished Whittier College in 1934, before graduating from the Duke University Law School in 1937, and then returning to his hometown of Whittier to practice law. He had begun active duty in the Navy in August, 1942, after a period of months serving in the Office of Price Administration. He had been married to his wife, Pat, in 1940 in a Quaker ceremony, and they had two daughters, Julie and Tricia.

They would, soon, have a famous addition to their family, whom Tricia would name "Checkers", a little black and white cocker spaniel.

And the rest, as they say…

The President, according to a long-time Democratic associate, said that the best chance for the Democratic victory in November over General Eisenhower would be an all-out Fair Deal platform, and that he would oppose any watering down of the foreign and domestic proposals for which he had campaigned since the beginning of his Presidency.

Had the President's researchers wanted to dig into the background of Senator Nixon beyond the superficial matter encompassed by Mr. Landsberg's biographical sketch, they would have found that he was nicknamed while at Duke, "iron butt", for his persistent study in the library, enabling him to graduate number three in his 26-member class, one of three third-year students therefore inducted to the prestigious Order of the Coif. They might have cleverly thus coined such a campaign phrase, designed to appeal to the all-important labor vote in the industrial states, as: "Iron Beater and Iron Butt Won't Butt or Beat Big Steel". Of course, that inevitably would have prompted Republican rejoinder, designed to appeal to the clean-as-a-hound's-tooth crowd, that they would, however, "Beat and Butt the Big Steal".

In Korea, B-29's began around-the-clock bombing of enemy installations in Pyongyang, in the greatest air attack of the war thus far. More than 1,400 tons of bombs were dropped during a record 1,330 sorties the previous day, breaking the old record of 1,283 sorties set on May 1. Associated Press correspondent Stan Carter, who had flown on one of the previous day's daylight missions, said that allied airmen had foreseen that the enemy would charge, as they had over Pyongyang radio, that the prisoner of war camps near Pyongyang had been hit by the bombing, the Communists claiming unknown numbers of allied prisoners dead among the 2,000 persons they claimed had been killed in the raids. Mr. Carter had reported that extreme caution had been taken to avoid the prospect of hitting the prison camps, with briefing officers having pinpointed their exact locations. It was described as the largest 24-hour allied bombing strike of the war against a single target area. The Air Force indicated that it lost only one plane, which had been hit by heavy flak over the target. Five other allied planes had been lost during the week.

Ground action was reported to have been extremely light.

A U.S. Air Force B-17 search plane crashed 35 miles northeast of Snag, near the Yukon-Alaska border, the previous night, killing one of its eight-member crew. A Canadian paramedic rescue team had been dropped at the crash site to aid the survivors, three of whom were suffering from second and third degree burns. The plane had been on a flight from Elmendorf Air Force Base in Anchorage to Whitehorse in the Yukon when it crashed.

On the editorial page, "The Republicans Have Named a Winner" praises the nomination of General Eisenhower, whom the newspaper had supported as the Republican nominee since January 8, a day after the General had first announced his availability for the GOP nomination. It finds that it was also a reflection of an upsurge in public opinion in favor of the General. But the victory had left "wounds of bitterness and disunity" within the party, which had to be healed prior to the general election. The General's visit to Senator Taft's headquarters, as well as his acceptance speech the previous night, displayed his power to reunite the party and strengthen it for the coming battle.

The Old Guard of the party, largely favoring Senator Taft, had dominated the RNC and the credentials committee, selecting Old Guard speakers for the convention, responsible for the acrimony and name-calling which had flowed from the speakers' rostrum each day. It counsels that unless the supporters of Senator Taft, especially those in the industrial and agricultural areas of the Midwest, gave General Eisenhower more support than they had Governor Dewey in 1944 and 1948, victory might again elude the party.

It urges that America needed an infusion of new ideas and new personalities into the political system and a return to the simple and basic concepts of honesty and integrity in public service, with state and local governments able to reclaim their proper functions and responsibilities.

"The Republican Party under the leadership of Dwight Eisenhower and Senator Richard Nixon can develop new ideas and new personalities; it can personify integrity and honesty; it can speed the reshaping of the Federal, state, and local relationship." It concludes that the party had nominated a loved and respected man, able to attract independents and dissident Democrats to his cause and lead the building of a two-party system in the South. It cautions that he could not do it alone, however, without the complete support of members of the party, especially those who had sincerely favored Senator Taft.

Why don't you rename the newspaper the Charlotte Eisenhower-Nixon News, and be done with it.

Anyway, you will learn in time that inclusion of Senator Nixon in your conception of the development of "new ideas and new personalities" which could personify "integrity and honesty" will become for the country a cruel, horrible, and nearly relentless, recurring joke by 1973 and 1974, with present North Carolina Supreme Court Justice Sam Ervin leading, as a Senator, along with several prominent Republican Senators who honorably served their country with bipartisanship and reasonable objectivity during the country's historically greatest political crisis since the Civil War, the charge to restore "integrity and honesty" to the most thoroughly corrupted White House and executive branch in the nation's history, corrupted by a bunch of "real thugs", you know, "Teamster types", able to get in there and "knock their heads off"—"murderers". In short, you will live, presumably, to rue those words.

It is worth a note of question, incidentally, amid all the celebration for the winning of the nomination by the General, whether the claims of the General's supporters during the month prior to the convention and during the convention, itself, had, effectively, resulted in replacement of one form of "vote-stealing" among delegates for simply another, albeit in support of insurgency rather than the preservation of "Old Guardism". It is only an historical inquiry for proper academic study and dialectic exchange, not a declaration. Be it resolved…

A collateral question might be posed as to whether the Old Guard, especially its darker, more ambitious elements, was able, after all, to obtain its penetration point to the campaign via Senator Nixon, especially after the revelations in September concerning his 1950 Senate campaign slush fund severely compromised his position on the ticket and nearly got him nixed.

"Republicans Change a Bad Rule" indicates that there was a little-noticed change of the rules at the convention on Thursday, which would restore some balance to representation on the RNC, while another change regarding delegate strength had fallen far short of solving a problem which had afflicted conventions repeatedly. The first rule would assign an extra member of the committee to states which voted for the Republican nominee in the latest general election, elected a Republican governor or had a Republican majority in its Congressional delegation, reducing the influence in areas of small Republican voting strength and giving a larger voice in party affairs to states which helped the party win elections. The convention also awarded a delegate only to those Congressional districts which polled as many as 2,000 Republican votes for presidential or Congressional candidates in the preceding election. Previously, the rule had only required 1,000 votes. That change would encourage Southern Republicans to build party strength locally if they wanted to participate in the convention four years hence.

It indicates that the unequal representation at Republican conventions was largely the cause of the serious split in 1952 and in other recent conventions.

"It Was a Great Show" finds that the Republican convention had drama in the form of Senator Everett Dirksen's "silver-tongued oratory" as he argued for not seating the pro-Eisenhower Georgia delegation, as well exhibited in Pennsylvania Governor John Fine's angry claim that an agreement for a 45-minute recess had been breached, prior to the start of the roll call on the issue of seating the disputed delegation.

There had also been humor in various candid shots of delegates, the poker-faced woman who swayed and clapped for Senator Taft, those who had been caught dozing or munching on hamburgers, and Señor Marcelino Romany of Puerto Rico, who had provoked a "belly laugh" from the delegates at a time when they were under great tension during the debate over the contested Georgia and Texas delegations.

There had also been drama as television viewers awaited the outcome the prior Monday of the roll call of the delegates regarding the issue of contested delegates being able to vote on other contested delegations, and, finally, on Friday morning, when the first ballot was being counted and General Eisenhower reached 595, nine short of the necessary 604 for nomination, at which point former Governor Harold Stassen surrendered his 19 delegates from Minnesota to the General, sending the latter over the top.

The convention also had pathos, in one young girl shedding tears when Senator Taft lost, in close-ups of delegates shown walking by the cameras over a crushed Taft poster after the nomination balloting, and in the "dogged and tireless effort" of Senator Taft, himself.

"In five action-packed days, millions of observing Americans received an enthralling short course in government. But it was wrapped up in good theater, elastic theater, for you could choose your own hero and villain.

"Television finally found the formula that beats all the maudlin soap operas, quiz programs and professional comics. It listened and looked in on history and true life, and did a job."

It had been, incidentally, the first political convention covered gavel-to-gavel by the television networks. There had been some coverage of both 1948 conventions for television, but there were at the time few television receivers in homes and few stations across the country broadcasting a signal outside the largest markets. It was also the first time since 1928 that both parties were without an incumbent in the race, lending the potential for surprise and mystery to the selection process of both conventions for the first time in a generation, enhanced the more by the omnipresence of the Big Eye, capturing, whether intended by the convention planners or not, audience imagination and thus more attentive viewership in the process.

A piece from the Shelby Daily Star, titled "Commissioners and Latin", tells of the Mecklenburg County Board of Commissioners having recently found Latin handy when the county attorney had stated that the girls at the industrial home were sine qua non. One of the commissioners, a professor of classical and German languages at Davidson College, added that they were also ne plus ultra.

It finds that if the Commissioners wanted to fall back on Latin to describe the girls, no one would object. It indicates that it had always admired in county commissioners not so much the niceties of speech as common sense and a yearning after the public good.

They might also have resorted to French, to the same effect, by utilizing, respectively, raison d'etre and chef d'oeuvre.

The Associated Press presents a collection of excerpts from editorial reactions to the nomination of General Eisenhower across the country. The Providence Journal in Rhode Island, the Boston Herald, the Boston Record, the New York Daily Mirror, and the Oklahoma City Daily Oklahoman each gave unstinting praise for the selection, as offering an opportunity for leadership and good government to come from the Republican Party.

The New York Times suggested that the nomination could be a victory for good government but that one aspect of the struggle in the convention committed by the Old Guard could not be forgotten or forgiven, "its snide and irresponsible attack on the Korean War".

The New York Daily News expressed sorrow at the loss by Senator Taft but found that it would be even more sorrowful if the Republicans were to lose in the general election, and so expressed its support for the General—never minding, obviously, whom the Democrats might nominate.

The New York Herald Tribune found the General qualified for the presidency "as few have been in the whole record of American political life."

The Louisville Courier-Journal indicated that the Republicans had picked the strongest candidate available to them.

The Omaha World-Herald believed that the pre-convention managers of the General could not tell him how to win an election because they did not know how, and that if he did win, it would be because of his own virtues.

The Dallas Morning News suggested that even in a traditionally Democratic state as Texas, there was "surely only a reasonably small hard-core of diehards who put party loyalty above the nation's good", asserted that Texas would support the General in November—a prediction which would prove true, one of only five Southern states, with Oklahoma, Tennessee, Virginia and Florida, voting for the General.

The Albuquerque Journal concluded that the Republicans had "turned heavily internationalist and nominated a military hero, though untrained in civil affairs, in a desperate effort to get back into power…"

The San Francisco Chronicle suggested that the General would be able to draw voters from among independents and Democrats, an indispensable quality for a representative of a minority party.

The Los Angeles Mirror found the party and all of the American people fortunate to have the General as the nominee.

The Portland Oregonian believed the nomination to be evidence of the support among the rank-and-file, but that for the General to win, he would have to "carry his cause to the men and women in all elements of society."

The Baltimore Sun found that with the nomination of the General, there would be a true two-party system of government henceforth and that the "palsied hands of the Old Guard" would no longer "strive vainly to turn back the hands of the clock." It concluded that it was too soon, however, to make an unconditional announcement of support for the General.

The Cleveland Plain Dealer believed that the General had much to learn about political tactics, but wished him success.

The Cleveland News, in an editorial which was written for Monday, indicated that the General had a single talent which had been shown off in the preconvention campaigning and during the "wild convention", that being that he could "remain poised, relaxed, unafraid and good tempered."

The Washington Post found that the General was the unquestionable choice of the rank-and-file Republican voters as well as most independents who were looking to the Republicans to give the country a change of administration, and that his nomination reflected the "dominant mood" of the country.

The Portland Oregon Journal found that instead of the Republicans committing suicide at the convention, they had named their strongest possible candidate, repudiating "party bossism" and standing firm for "honest dealing".

The Chicago Tribune, with a hint of sarcasm betraying, perhaps, its strong support of Senator Taft for the nomination, asserted that the General was the most extraordinary candidate who had ever received a Republican nomination, being the President's candidate, Governor Dewey's candidate, Wall Street's candidate and Europe's candidate. It suggested that he started with some circumstances in his favor but also had handicaps, "perhaps heavier than any Republican candidate ever carried."

The Chicago Sun-Times forecast that under the leadership of the General, the Republicans could bring the nation to a new era of goodwill, and urged that there should be no recriminations by the Old Guard of the party, who had lost because they had been "unable to keep up with the temper of the American people."

The Miami Herald found the nomination worthless unless the losers subordinated their bruised feelings and rallied behind the General, concentrating on winning the election.

The Birmingham Post-Herald professed that "millions of moderate, sensible Americans" saw in the "middle-of-the-road" General "the man to save the day, the man who may bring a day of high hope out of darkness." Another editorial from the same newspaper indicated that it was looking forward to a Republican victory in November under the General's leadership, as he could obtain the votes of disgruntled Democrats, something which, it believed, Senator Taft could not have done.

The Memphis Commercial Appeal concluded that the only thing which could stop the election of the General in November was the same over-confidence which had blocked Governor Dewey in 1948.

Drew Pearson, in Chicago, tells of the Republican convention having lasted longer than most recent conventions, as well as setting a record for snafus, being more like a Democratic convention, the latter having become famous for producing "rebel yells, boisterous behavior, hot tempers, and prolonged demonstrations". Something always tended to go wrong at a Democratic convention. The Democrats would put on a demonstration for about 45 minutes for a speaker of the caliber of Vice-President Alben Barkley, as in 1948, but the Republicans demonstrated for all of three minutes after the speech by General MacArthur on the first night of the 1952 convention. But it was easier to be exuberant after Mr. Barkley had issued such lines as, "When Franklin Roosevelt started to brush away the cobwebs of the Hoover Administration, he found that even the spiders were starving," than after "50 minutes of dull platitudes" issued by General MacArthur.

Nevertheless, the Republicans came nearer the "hot and humid heterogeneousness" of the Democrats in this particular convention. Since it had lacked forceful leadership of late, such a condition probably was necessary to enable members of the party to understand for the first time just how the Republican Party in the South had been so captive for so long. If it wanted to build for the future, it needed to be rid of "absentee political landlords" in that region.

"Titian-haired" Mrs. Gifford Pinchot of Pennsylvania had come to the convention to assist Governor John Fine of Pennsylvania, in place of Senator James Duff, who had been unable to perform that role as the Governor had gone in his own direction after the Senator had helped to make him Governor in defeating the Republican state machine in 1950. The husband-Governor of Mrs. Pinchot had started out Governor Fine in his political career and so the Senator thought that she might be able to exert some influence.

Winthrop Aldrich, head of the Chase Bank, had been considering filing suit against the Chicago Tribune for saying that he had threatened to foreclose on loans of business firms which would not support General Eisenhower.

Three Republican Senators had been initially refused entry to the floor by ushers when their credentials did not meet standards.

Senator Taft had been planning to join General MacArthur in his car, following the General's keynote address the prior Monday, and ride with him to the airport, but plans had gone awry and Governor Fine had gone instead. The Senator had wanted to talk to the General about teaming up with him, but when the keynote address had fallen so flat, the Senator's friends were relieved that the meeting had not taken place. Not many people had a chance to talk to the General during his brief trip to Chicago, not even wealthy oilman H. L. Hunt of Dallas, who had fronted the money for the General's Chicago headquarters. Mr. Hunt had only been able to ask General MacArthur why he had not brought his wife, to which the General had responded that she preferred to watch him on tv.

The Eisenhower forces had not decided until 4:30 a.m. that they wanted Governor Theodore McKeldin of Maryland to nominate the General, at which point they had the General confer with the Governor. He complained that the General's ghost writers had not assisted him in writing the speech.

Actor John Wayne had been upset most of the week with Governor Earl Warren and Senator William Knowland of California for not supporting Senator Taft.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop, in Chicago, tell of the bitterness being exhibited by the Old Guard Republicans after the defeat for the presidential nomination of Senator Taft, it being the first time that a Republican nominee had been selected without a compromise with the Old Guard in some manner. The fact, however, left General Eisenhower to run his campaign on his own terms, without having to give ground to that faction of the party. By contrast, in 1948, the farmers had implored Governor Dewey to issue a statement that under a Dewey administration there would be no retreating from the gains made by farmers during the New Deal, but, despite Governor Dewey wanting to issue such a statement, the Old Guard had resisted that effort, and in consequence of the need for concessions to them, Governor Dewey made no such statement and lost the farm vote, and, as a result, the election.

Most observers believed that the fighting at the convention over the seating of disputed delegations would harm the party in its race for the White House in November, but the Alsops beg to differ for the reason that the General would not feel the need to compromise during the campaign with the Old Guard. This group had been like "large, elderly albatrosses" around the neck of each successive candidate since 1940, when the party first began nominating progressive candidates, first Wendell Wilkie and then Governor Dewey in 1944 and 1948, both of whom had been regarded by the Old Guard as "me-tooers" or "leftists".

This Old Guard faction of the party was over-represented in Congress, and especially in the Senate. They had solidly backed Senator Taft for the nomination. But in contraposition, there were also about 25 Republican governors, most of whom were young, vigorous and progressive, representing the grassroots of the party. No fewer than 22 of these governors had been solidly for General Eisenhower from the beginning of his campaign. The Alsops suggest that no party which could muster 25 such governors could be considered a minority party, and their mere existence indicated that the Republicans could carry national elections, provided the candidates tackled national problems the way these governors had tackled their state problems. General Eisenhower would need to insist on that type of campaign.

He would be urged by the conservative forces to engage in different tactics, more venomously conservative and narrow-minded than the General had thus far exhibited in his month-long sporadic campaigning. His cross-country train trip from Denver to Chicago prior to the convention had shown that he had developed political understanding in a short period of time and if that continued, the Alsops posit, the Republicans would be able to win in November.

Robert C. Ruark, in Chicago, finds that the country was still at around the turn of the century politically and that the system of political presentation was in need of overhaul, especially the tired old political rhetoric, reminiscent of horse-and-buggy days. The people who came to the conventions to speechify were of that type, sounding like a fight announcer "whose redundancy is so redundant that it has too many words meaning the same thing in its overflorid orotundity."

The shouters at the convention who engaged in bombast just to say that something needed to be done, which anyone could say, were boorish to the point of inducing the stranger to the process to vote otherwise "out of sheer perverseness". Any seriousness at the conventions tended to be buried amid the carnival atmosphere and they needed to be brought under control to fit the modern era. That had not happened, he ventures, at the 1952 Republican convention.

"I keep looking for the semi-naked lady in the inflammable skirt and as yet have been unable to discover the cotton-candy concession. Hurry, hurry, hurry! The bearded lady and the two-headed glass-eater are just to your right, over behind the second bank of television equipment."

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