The Charlotte News
Monday, June 30, 1952
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Administration leaders had indicated this date that the President would sign later in the day the bill passed by Congress to extend wage and price controls for ten months, though Speaker Sam Rayburn of Texas had told reporters, after meeting with the President, that the latter was "not too well pleased with it." Signing the bill, however, was the only thing the President could do to preserve controls, which otherwise would expire at midnight this date. The bill contained some of the things which the President had requested, plus other provisions which he had not. It would extend wage and price controls for only ten months instead of the two years the President had sought, and would continue rent controls only until September 30, except in areas designated as critical defense housing areas or where local governing bodies requested an extension to the following April. The bill also reorganized the Wage Stabilization Board, while leaving its composition the same, but required Senate confirmation of members and also limited the Board's authority in labor disputes. The request by Congress that the President use Taft-Hartley's 80-day injunction provision to stop the current steel strike remained in the final bill.
The House had passed its final appropriations bill on Saturday, cutting 2.7 billion dollars from the President's request for funds for military construction, the Atomic Energy Commission, the foreign aid program and miscellaneous agencies. The Senate had yet to take up the bill.
The Senate voted unanimously this date to provide the Air Force enough money to build its fighting strength to 143 air wings by the middle of 1955, adopting an amendment proposed by Senator Joseph O'Mahoney of Wyoming which cut seven billion dollars from Air Force appropriations voted by the House. It would, however, provide the Air Force authority to contract for new planes on credit for 560 million dollars more than allowed by the House measure. The amendment left most of the Senators puzzled.
Both houses were hurrying along last-minute legislation in advance of the adjournment for the political conventions.
Secretary of State Acheson said this date in Vienna that American troops would remain in occupied Austria until its independence was assured. He blamed Russia for the failure of the Big Four to write a treaty of independence for Austria, indicating that the three Western powers wanted to end the occupation. He was making a two-day state visit to Vienna, arriving from Berlin, where he had sought to reaffirm Western support for resistance to any Soviet aggression against Berlin. He had said before his departure that the U.S. would remain in Berlin until it was satisfied the city was secure. He also indicated that he saw no immediate threat of Russian aggression, but did not underestimate recent pressure put on isolated West Berlin. The Secretary would leave the next day for Brazil to conduct an official visit before returning to Washington.
In Houston for the annual governors' conference, Governor Adlai Stevenson said this date that he would decide later what to do in the "unlikely" event that a move developed at the Democratic convention, to start July 21, to nominate him for the presidency. He stated that he was still only running for re-election as Governor of Illinois and that he would not participate openly or covertly in any movement to draft him for the nomination and therefore did not view the prospect as likely.
Governor James Byrnes of South Carolina, opposed to the Administration's civil rights program, was said by his friends to oppose, possibly to the extent of open revolt at the convention, any Democratic nominee who embraced a platform plank calling for action by Congress on such issues as the creation of a Fair Employment Practices Commission with compulsory powers to enforce its rulings.
Senator Taft said that the Republicans would have "quite a ticket" if he were nominated along with General MacArthur as his running mate.
In Chicago, the fight between supporters of Senator Taft and General Eisenhower regarding contested delegates appeared headed for a showdown before the Republican National Committee after representatives of both campaigns failed to agree the previous night on how to resolve the dispute. The sharpest fight was expected to be for the Texas 38 delegate seats, while other contests were in Florida, with 18 delegate votes, Louisiana, with six, Georgia and Mississippi, each with four, and Missouri and Kansas, with one each. Appeals from the decision of the RNC could be taken to the credentials committee, which could take the contests into the convention, itself, starting the following Monday. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., campaign manager for General Eisenhower, had said that the fight over the Texas delegation would be taken to the convention floor at the opening session.
For a start, make sure the air conditioning is working properly.
In Raleigh, it was disclosed that with 248 of the state's 2,017 precincts still unreported, the unofficial returns from Saturday's runoff primary showed Judge R. Hunt Parker leading Judge William Bobbitt by 3,087 votes, for a seat on the State Supreme Court. In the unreported precincts, Judge Parker would likely obtain more than half of the votes, and so would likely continue to hold his lead. Judge Bobbitt had wired his congratulations, but indicated that he had not yet conceded. During the morning, he had gone around thanking friends for their support and attended to personal business as if nothing had happened. Judge Bobbitt had overwhelmingly beaten Judge Parker in Mecklenburg County, as he had in the initial primary, but 11,000 voters who had voted for him in the initial primary did not vote in the runoff election.
In Dallas, N.C., a tipster reported to the Dallas police that a midget had an unusual number of children's toys, and two officers had arrested the man, standing 4'2" tall, in a rooming house in which his room appeared as toyland, but packed with toys which turned out to be stolen earlier the previous day from a wholesale toy store. The man led officers to another house where he had stored still more toys, including a small bicycle. One of the officers commented that everything about the case was small. The man did not admit that the toys were stolen.
You can't blame him, as one of Santa's elves, for stocking up early.
The same officers had arrested a 6'6" burglar caught carrying six electric fans from a warehouse during the weekend. The tall man said, "This ain't April," explaining that he had served three prison sentences and had always been caught in April.
You can't blame him for trying to beat the heat in June.
In Gadsden, Ala., an 18-year old sailor sentenced to 35 years for murder was led in handcuffs to a stream the previous day and baptized into the Church of God. He had been convicted June 16 for the fatal shooting of a Marine private.
You can't blame him for trying to beat the heat.
In Middlesboro, Ky., a 69-year old mountaineer said that he had been prepared to die and that God had told him twice that he would die at 7:00 a.m. on Saturday, prompting him to arrange for his own funeral, followed by about 5,000 persons visiting his five-room cottage where he lived with his daughter. But, alas, nothing happened and the man sought to explain, "Well, I guess God changed his mind."
Don't worry, you still have an appointment in Samarra.
The heat wave continued in the South and central portions of the country this date, with some rain and wind storms cooling some sections of the Eastern half of the nation. In Malden, Mo., a high of 108 degrees was recorded, and St. Louis suffered through its fifth consecutive day of temperatures above 100, with the prospect for continuation for the ensuing several days. It had reached 104 the previous day in St. Louis, the 25th consecutive day of 90 or higher readings during the month. Twenty-four people had died from the effects of the heat in that area. Nationally, the death toll reached nearly 200. In Chicago, during its 11th straight day of 90 degrees or higher, an estimated million persons flocked to the dozen Lake Michigan beaches. Thunderstorms hit New York City about midnight, cooling down the mercury somewhat. Similar storms also hit Washington and various parts of Maryland, with winds up to 65 mph in Baltimore and the Chesapeake Bay area. Rain swept through the Tuscaloosa-Birmingham area of Alabama, across middle and northern Georgia and over most of northwestern South Carolina.
On the editorial page, "Unpleasant Facts for Republicans" tells of political analyst Stanley High having written in the current Reader's Digest that the Democratic Party had enormous advantages in the forthcoming election and that another Democratic victory could cause the party to become so entrenched that it could not be beaten. The Democrats, he said, did not need to gain any new territory to achieve victory, only needed to hold the Northern states which the party had carried in every presidential election since 1928. The Republicans, by contrast, could rely only on carrying Maine and Vermont, and had to obtain another 258 electoral votes to win the 266 necessary for election.
The black vote was mostly Democratic, whereas it had once been overwhelmingly Republican. Farmers, also once strongly Republican in the North, were now 52 percent Democratic. Voters under the age of 30 favored the Democrats by a margin of 17 percent. The Democrats claimed 41 percent of the registered voters while the Republicans could only claim 32 percent, with 27 percent being independent. In 1948, 57 percent of the independent vote had gone to the Democrats.
In addition, more than 25 million voters received Federal benefit checks, a political machine of 2.5 million Federal workers existed along with a Government publicity and propaganda organization comprised of 45,000 persons, and the Federal treasury to support the effort.
Mr. High had concluded that the Republicans would need to nominate a candidate who could lift the campaign above narrow partisanship and lead the nation to settle the issue in keeping with American principles.
Columnist Walter Lippmann had pointed out that Senator Taft believed that the non-voters were a great reservoir of Republican strength, whereas the facts showed that the people who did not vote were more likely, since 1932, to be supportive of the New Deal and the Democrats. He also had concluded that the Republicans, therefore, had no prospect of winning unless they could break into the Democratic majority which had been formed by Franklin Roosevelt.
The piece indicates again that the best chance for a Republican victory in November was to nominate General Eisenhower, "a man whose appeal cuts across party and sectional lines". Despite his having been labeled an amateur in politics, he understood more clearly than the "professionals" that the Republicans had to open their doors to Democrats and independents if the party hoped to win.
"Bobbitt's Defeat a Cause for Regret" tells of Judge William Bobbitt of Charlotte having narrowly suffered a defeat in the runoff primary for a seat on the State Supreme Court, in his race against Judge R. Hunt Parker. It regards Judge Parker as an outstanding jurist and a person of great intellect and wide experience, but also expresses regret that Judge Bobbitt had lost. Both men had run strongest in their respective parts of the state where they held court, Judge Bobbitt in the West and Judge Parker in the East.
It also tells of the outcomes in various state and local races otherwise.
As indicated, Judge Bobbitt would eventually, in 1954, be appointed to the Supreme Court by Governor William B. Umstead, and both Judge Parker and Judge Bobbitt would later serve successively as Chief Justice.
"A Dark Stain on U.S. Justice" tells of the State Department having issued the necessary apology to Professor Owen Lattimore for having ordered customs officials to bar him from travel outside the country, on the belief, based on a tip provided the CIA by an informant, that he was about to travel to a country behind the Iron Curtain. The tip turned out to be false and the tipster was now under indictment in Seattle.
The piece indicates that while the apology repaired some of the damage done to to Mr. Lattimore's reputation, it needed to be determined why the CIA, forbidden by law from exercising any "police, subpoena, law enforcement powers or internal security functions", had accepted such a tip and passed it to the FBI and the State Department as "raw and unevaluated" information. It also believes that the State Department's press relations officer had some explaining to do after he had indicated, following revelation of the story by the Baltimore Evening Sun, that the Department would not undertake such measures on the basis of "fantasies or inanities". It also suggests an investigation into the fear and hysteria which was gripping the State Department of late, making it ready to brand as disloyal well-known Americans without proof or a hearing, spreading false rumors about such persons, finding the practice reminiscent of a totalitarian, police state.
It indicates that Mr. Lattimore had
absorbed more than his fair share of punishment from the likes of
Senator Joseph McCarthy
It concludes that while Mr. Lattimore had been cleared in the instant case, the "dark stain on U.S. justice" remained as a warning that fear and hysteria might yet pervert and subvert American institutions to the extent that the Communists had been unable to do.
Drew Pearson tells of a quiet move underway among some of the supporters of Senator Taft for the Republican presidential nomination to nominate General MacArthur as his running mate. Publisher John H. Perry had sounded out the General and, when it was put to him that he would strengthen the ticket, found him generally receptive to the idea, regarding it as a duty to his country which he could not shirk. Mr. Perry was convinced that Senator Taft would be the Republican nominee.
He next informs of the Senate confirmation votes on three Government watchdogs. Tom Buchanan, chairman of the Federal Power Commission, was rejected by the Interstate Commerce Committee for a recommendation of reconfirmation, having been reappointed by the President the prior May, after which the Committee had then stalled for two months, finally voting 9 to 4 against him. He had served on the FPC for four years and in that period had fought for consumers against the big gas and oil companies, the only commissioner to oppose the principles of the Kerr bill deregulating the gas industry, which would soon result in a substantial increase in the cost of natural gas. Among the nine voting against him were Senators Lyndon Johnson of Texas, Homer Capehart of Indiana, John W. Bricker of Ohio, John Williams of Delaware, and Owen Brewster of Maine, the latter already having been defeated for renomination.
On the same day, the Senate confirmed James Flanagan as a member of the Public Utilities Commission of the District of Columbia, despite his having voted for every public utilities rate increase. Only two Senators were on the floor when the vote was taken.
The Interstate Commerce Committee also had approved Charles Mahaffie for a new seven-year term on the Interstate Commerce Commission, despite his age of 68 and mandatory retirement of 70. Mr. Mahaffie had a consistent record of voting against the general public interest and for the big insurance companies in railroad reorganization cases, which had wiped out billions of dollars invested in railroads by the public, so much so that it had prompted Justice Felix Frankfurter to describe the practice as "the forfeiture of existing securities of vast proportions." The only Senator who had exposed Mr. Mahaffie's record was Senator Charles Tobey of New Hampshire.
Joseph & Stewart Alsop discuss Secretary of State Acheson's trip to Europe to confer with British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden and with French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman on a variety of issues, but with the primary mission being to shore up alliances in Western Europe, to convince them to remain firm against Soviet aggression against Berlin, thought to be imminent because of various moves reminiscent of the Soviet practices, utilizing the puppet East German regime, shortly before the imposition of the 1948-49 blockade of West Berlin.
This time, however, unlike the earlier blockade, it was believed by the U.S. that an airlift by the Allies would not work to break such a blockade, as the Soviets now had the ability to jam radar at the Berlin airfields. Also different was the fact that there was a six-month stockpile of necessities for West Berlin, such that no immediate action would need take place in the event of a blockade. During that interim period, it was planned that the Western European allies would engage in full and transparent mobilization, to provide the Soviets a warning that all-out war was imminent if they were to persist in such a blockade. Military force would, if the Soviets did persist, be the only alternative this time to breaking such an enduring blockade. The planners were banking on the belief that the Soviets did not wish to take any risks involving the possibility of total war.
That, the Alsops posit, was the American position in broad outline and Secretary Acheson was in Europe with the task of persuading the Allies to agree with that position. It was difficult to accomplish, as no one, including the U.S., wanted to go to war again, especially the French. There were some in the Pentagon who strongly opposed the Acheson-sponsored Security Council decision in this regard. The Pentagon had been insistent that the country mobilize fully before running the risk of breaking a blockade with military force.
Robert C. Ruark discusses fishing as a good excuse to engage in poker playing, consumption of alcohol, and growth of a beard. He had gathered with friends in New Brunswick, Canada, for the purpose and explains in detail the absurdity of it all.
At least he isn't discussing politics.
A letter writer from Abilene, Texas, finds that millions of Americans believed that a new President could clean up Washington overnight. He begs to differ, finding that the "conditions of the tree if the roots are poisoned and contaminated" were almost impossible to improve. He also asserts that the "big boys" who had spent more than a half million dollars to elect Senator Taft again to the Senate in 1950 believed that money could buy anything, but were "badly, badly mistaken". He advises waking up to the fact that the big interests and big organizations were ruling and ruining city and state governments.
A letter from former Charlotte City Attorney C. W. Tillett, a recognized expert on international relations and attendee to the U.N. Charter conference in San Francisco in 1945, disfavors the proposed Constitutional amendment of Senator John W. Bricker to limit the treaty-making power. He warns that if adopted by three-fourths of the states and thus ratified as part of the Constitution, it would spell a return to isolationism, even if subsequent amendments of an internationalist character were presented and ratified. He hopes that Senators who were internationalist in their orientation would oppose Senator Bricker's proposals.
A letter writer from Vineland, N.J., tells of the respective virtues and drawbacks of Senator Taft and of General Eisenhower as the Republican nominee, does not declare his support for either candidate, but finds both capable.
Let's don't go vote. It's too hot. Let's stay here by the electric fan the tall man give us and watch the children play with the toys the short man give us as early Christmas presents. They only costed four dollars for the lot. You couldn't beat that down 'ere at the hardware store or at Woolworth's. We hope the Republicans get that Nixon guy in 'ere somewhere, as he'll probably let us keep the stuff, 'cause he ain't quite cricket either. Old stuffed-shirt Truman 'll make us give it back. Pendergast hypocrite.
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