The Charlotte News

Wednesday, June 25, 1952


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that in Tokyo, a thousand Japanese police this night, in a half hour battle, had broken up a mob of 2,500 Korean and Japanese Communists who had hurled firebombs and clubs in the crowded Shinjuku Station, which was followed by several hours of anti-American rioting by 150 Koreans in the crowded Osaka area of southern Japan. Thirty police officers had been injured by the rocks, firebombs and acid bombs at the Shinjuku Station and police had arrested twenty of the rioters, fifteen of whom had been injured. At least 34 police officers and thirty rioters had been hurt, and 102 demonstrators jailed in the Osaka area. Two American M.P.'s had also been hurt. An American general had also been burned slightly by sulphuric acid in the Osaka rioting. The occasion for the demonstrations was the second anniversary of the start of the Korean War. Two hours after the Osaka rioting ended, 200 Koreans marched on a police station to demand the release of 17 of those arrested, at which time 13 more Koreans had been arrested and three additional policemen injured, along with four additional demonstrators.

In the truce negotiations, each side accused the other of starting the Korean War and both sides argued that peace lay in each side's separate proposals for exchange of prisoners of war. There was no progress in the 29-minute session regarding the remaining sticking point, voluntary repatriation of prisoners.

The U.N. top military commanders this date effectively dared the Communists to launch another Korean offensive in the wake of the air attacks on the hydroelectric plants during the prior two days. U.S. Eighth Army commander, General James Van Fleet, said that he hoped the enemy would come, in which event, the U.N. forces would pile them up on the barbed wire and possibly end the war. He said that he did not think, however, the enemy had the stomach to fight another offensive. U.N. supreme commander, General Mark Clark, said that the U.N. forces were ready if the Communists chose to launch a new attack, but that the U.N. forces preferred to achieve an armistice at the conference table.

In the air war, one enemy MIG-15 jet was destroyed and another probably destroyed, with a third damaged, in air battles with U.S. Sabre jets this date. U.N. losses, if any, were not reported. Waves of B-29s swept over North Korea the previous night in the wake of the bombing of the hydroelectric plants, and the big bombers dropped 250 tons of explosives on Communist troop concentrations and supply areas.

In the ground war, action was limited to patrol activity along the front.

Secretary of Defense Robert Lovett stated that in an extreme emergency, the Joint Chiefs could authorize the bombing of Communist bases in Manchuria, without first referring the matter to U.N. allies. He said that it was not a change in policy.

In London, former Prime Minister Clement Attlee, leader of the Labor Party, opened debate in Commons on the bombing of the power stations in Korea by stating that it risked war with Communist China and endangered the truce talks, and that Britain should have first been consulted as to the wisdom of the raids. He said that he believed it was a profound mistake in psychology, not the first one made during the course of the war, and that it would only exacerbate the negative feelings of the East against the West. Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden told the House, amid cheers, that he regretted that the British Government had not been consulted prior to the bombing, and he would deal with that point later, but that in the meantime, Britain gave the allies its full support, adding that the bombing had been essential for the security of the U.N. ground forces, as the Communist forces had been able to increase from a beaten army of 500,000 men a year earlier to a force just short of a million men presently. He said the power stations were perfectly legitimate military targets, supplying 40 percent of the electric power used in North Korea in support of the Communist war effort.

At the U.N., the Russians failed in their attempt to force an immediate Security Council vote on its proposal to invite Communist China and North Korea to take part in the germ warfare discussions. The Council upheld the challenge raised by the British delegate, Sir Gladwyn Jebb, by a vote of 10 to 1, with Russia dissenting. By the same vote, the American proposal to have the International Red Cross inquire into the Russian charges of use of germ warfare in Korea was approved by the Council. Debate before the Council on the issue continued.

The President vetoed this date the McCarran-Walter immigration bill, which would have severely limited immigration from countries with a great number of refugees seeking entry to the United States. In an accompanying veto message, the President said that the bill had some provisions he favored, but others constituted a price too high, which, in good conscience, he could not pay. He said that some of its provisions were worse than the infamous Alien Act of 1798.

The House voted this date to allow each individual storekeeper or wholesaler to determine whether to have price ceilings figured on the basis of the price mark-up practice followed in June, 1950. The action was preliminary to the House determination of the question of eliminating most price and wage controls. The body was also considering whether to join the Senate in asking the President to invoke the Taft-Hartley 80-day injunction provision to end temporarily the steel strike. The matter was in the form of an amendment to the Defense Production Act, regarding economic controls. The House voted preliminarily to support the effort, based on a coalition of Southern Democrats and Republicans. At the White House, press secretary Joseph Short indicated that he was unaware of any preparations to invoke Taft-Hartley. One Republican House member, Jesse Wolcott of Michigan, called for the impeachment of the President.

The IRB announced this date that it was lifting the secrecy surrounding its actions on permits issued to liquor and wine manufacturers, wholesalers and importers. It also indicated that it was instructing its alcohol tax unit offices across the country to cooperate with local and state authorities to prevent swindling of the public by retailers in refilling bottles with diluted or inferior whiskey and other alcohol products. Press organizations had long urged both moves.

In Los Angeles, 23 hours of steady negotiations and an urgent Government appeal to continue production of jet fighter planes for Korea had failed this date to produce an agreement between 25,000 aircraft workers and North American Aviation Corp., sole producer of the F-86 Sabre jet. It was possible that the strike would go on as scheduled, starting this midnight. The union had demanded wage increases totaling 28 cents per hour and the company had countered with an increase of only five cents. The current average wage was $1.67.5 per hour.

The Justice Department said this date that a Federal grand jury in Seattle would immediately inquire into a "tip" which had advised that Owen Lattimore planned to leave the country for a destination behind the Iron Curtain. Mr. Lattimore had denied the rumor. On the basis of the tip, the State Department had ordered customs officials to prevent Professor Lattimore's departure from the country.

General Eisenhower outlined a domestic policy speech this date in Denver to some of his Louisiana supporters and discussed topics he would raise in a speech the next night at the Denver Coliseum, to be broadcast via CBS radio. He said that he had more faith in the interplay of the various economic forces than he did in bureaucratic rule and law regarding economic controls, but indicated that controls should be eliminated gradually and intelligently. He said that in his speech he would not deal with the details of problems about which he knew little. He also indicated, regarding the disputed delegations to the national convention, that the issue would not be settled in a "star chamber fashion".

Senator Taft, in Washington, told a reporter that whether he could win the nomination on the first ballot at the convention was a matter of strategy, claiming that he already had a majority of the delegates. He had met during the week with the delegates from Maryland and Pennsylvania, and was to meet with the Virginia delegation on Friday. He denied that there was any "steamroller" effort to control the convention.

The latest Associated Press tally of delegates indicated that the Senator had 478 commitments, General Eisenhower, 395, and others, 129, while 204 were unknown as to their commitments, with 604 needed to nominate.

Senator Richard Russell, candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination, would deliver a nationwide radio talk from Denver on Friday night, to be carried by NBC.

On the editorial page, "Our Economy (Hah!)-Minded Senators" tells of Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois recalling that a Congressional report had stated that for eight months of the year the Arkansas River was less than three feet deep for a distance of 373 miles along its course, and so was puzzled when he heard of the Army Corps of Engineers planning to spend several million dollars to improve navigation facilities on that river. He inquired of Senator John McClellan of Arkansas, chairman of the Committee on Government Operations, who told him that it was not quite a navigation project yet, that it was designed to stabilize banks of the river so that if a time ever came when it was advisable to build such a navigation project, there would be a great deal of permanent work already accomplished.

The piece suggests that the concept was ludicrous and that, despite some measure of flood control being accomplished by the project, it appeared as a brazen attempt to gouge the taxpayers for the benefit of a small group of constituents. Nevertheless, a Senate committee had doubled the Budget Bureau's request for the project and the full Senate voted 56 to 22 against Senator Douglas's amendment to reduce by 100 million dollars the appropriations of the bill containing the proposal. Both of North Carolina's Senators, Clyde Hoey and Willis Smith, had voted against the amendment.

The absurd result was that the same Senate which had voted against developing the St. Lawrence Seaway with Canada, had voted to prepare an unnavigable stream for navigation, finding it "shameful hypocrisy of Senators who shout for economy and deride the expanding Federal Government."

"Anti-Control Force in the Saddle" tells of the House the previous week having taken up the Defense Production Act renewal on a piecemeal basis, and, in the process, stripping it of its effectiveness. Among the several amendments passed by voice votes was one which would eliminate controls on all goods which had sold below ceiling prices for at least three months, with the exception of those goods rationed, of which there were none, and those few goods which were presently allocated. It would virtually dismantle the entire machinery of economic controls. It was expected that the House would reaffirm the action by official roll call votes. A coalition of Southern Democrats and Republicans were in firm control of the body and unless that coalition was broken by Administration pressure, the roll call votes would likely rubber-stamp the previous week's unofficial action.

The piece asserts that there was no need for a controlled economy at present and that no one appeared to know how to control it in any event. Industry was producing enough for war and civilian use, with more than enough in certain areas. Controls had come too late, with prices therefore fixed at their uppermost levels, and the wage controls appeared designed to raise wages, with price controls limiting profits. It suggests that the natural forces on the economy, if given a chance to work, would work, whereby high prices would stimulate production, which, in turn, would bring prices down. The time had passed when greed and opportunity had been the rule of the day at the start of the Korean War, with the excess profits tax tending to check that opportunism in any event.

It expresses reservation, however, about relaxation of indirect controls, as the country was headed into a new period of inflation, caused primarily by the Government's deficit spending. While it was good election-year psychology to relax such controls and create an atmosphere of false prosperity, it could create problems in the ensuing months.

"Progress Toward United Fund" indicates that the movement toward a United Fund for Charlotte and Mecklenburg County had progressed further and faster than expected, as a nominating committee was working to line up members for a large and representative board of trustees to conduct such a campaign the following fall. The drive would eliminate duplicated campaign organizations and reduce the cost of conducting the drives. It remained to be seen how successful it would be in enlisting the support of agencies presently outside the Community Chest, but the effort was well on its way.

A piece from the Christian Science Monitor, titled "'What Sort of Country?'" comments on the recent series of articles in Collier's by David Lilienthal, former head of the Atomic Energy Commission and TVA, finding it stimulating as a discourse on the "kind of America we want to live in". It quotes from this series, that such an America would be "vital, fluid, changing, enterprising, competitive", "efficient and speedy… and a diverse society", "a rational and stable economic and social system, one that looks ahead", and "an ethical society ... responsive to the public interest…"

Mr. Lilienthal believed that the goals were attainable and that the country had gone a long way toward reaching them. The piece indicates that from its vantage point, outside of both governmental enterprises and business, it was inclined to agree.

Drew Pearson suggests that some of those on the inside with General Eisenhower believed that the battle over the Texas delegation could have been prevented had things been played a little differently the prior October. The General had sent word to RNC Chairman Guy Gabrielson the prior year to use his influence to have Jack Porter of Houston made the Republican national committeeman for Texas, a rather naïve message on the face of it, as Mr. Gabrielson had little influence in the election of national committeemen, especially in Texas. The communication had placed the General in the middle of a hot intra-party row, alienating Henry Zweifel, the current national committeeman from Texas. Then, Senator James Duff of Pennsylvania, a supporter of General Eisenhower for the nomination, had gone to Texas the previous October and called on Jack Porter, making the comment at a press conference that Mr. Zweifel was a "contemptible political boss" of the type he had been fighting all his life. He was quickly reprimanded by John Bennett of Rochester, who was helping to mastermind the campaign for the General, indicating that the campaign was after delegate votes, not Jack Porter, and that Senator Duff was alienating Texas Republicans, to which the Senator replied that he was in Texas while Mr. Bennett was in Washington. Mr. Pearson notes that the General's letter to Mr. Porter supporting Texas on tidelands oil had also helped further to alienate Mr. Zweifel and the Texas regular Republicans.

Congressman Graham Barden of North Carolina had been promised Republican support for his amendment which would eliminate all controls, even on strategic materials, meaning that it would probably pass with the Republican-Southern Democratic coalition. The Administration forces in the House appeared whipped and disorganized, partly the result of high absenteeism during the campaign and partly from the low prestige of the Administration. While the Democrats had a numerical advantage of 32 members in the House, there were more Republicans than Democrats on the floor the prior Friday when the body voted to kill price controls.

Senator William Knowland of California was taking a careful look at the California election code to determine whether he could run for the vice-presidency while also running for re-election as Senator in the fall, and had determined that there was no problem and so could accept the vice-presidential nomination. He notes that both Senator Taft and General Eisenhower were considering Senator Knowland as a good running mate, to obtain the large California delegation's support at the convention, likely to prove determinative of the presidential nomination.

Before the Senate Armed Services Committee, Joint Chiefs Chairman General Omar Bradley refuted the loose talk that Chiang Kai-shek's forces could invade the Chinese mainland, indicating that the Nationalists were in no shape to defend Formosa, let alone to invade the mainland, absent American ships and troops to accompany them. Senator Knowland wanted to know why the Nationalists had not been used in Korea, to which General Bradley replied that the soldiers were barefooted, bedraggled and demoralized, that any effort to rehabilitate them ought be confined to Formosa, the latter being more strategic than even Korea. The Senator then admitted that it might be impossible to use the Nationalists presently in Korea but that it ought be a long-range objective.

The Congressional Quarterly reports on the various prospective candidates for the Republican vice-presidential nomination, under either General Eisenhower or Senator Taft as the presidential nominee. It finds about a dozen political figures to be in good trading positions for the second spot on the ticket—none of whom were Senator Nixon.

It suggests that since the GOP had tried a ticket in 1948 with two Governors, Thomas Dewey and Earl Warren, it might decide to have two Senators, if the top spot were to go to Senator Taft. Senator William Knowland of California had been conjectured as the leading potential candidate for the second spot, after his recent wins in both California primaries in his bid for re-election. Other leading Senators included Everett Dirksen of Illinois, a strong backer of Senator Taft, Homer Ferguson, whose 46-vote Michigan delegation remained uncommitted and was in a position to trade, and Senator Leverett Saltonstall of Massachusetts, a supporter of General Eisenhower.

There were also four governors in a good trading position for a spot on the ticket. Governor John Fine of Pennsylvania, not yet committed to either Senator Taft or General Eisenhower, held sway over the Pennsylvania delegation, with 70 delegates at stake, putting him in the position of "swing man" for lining up delegates for either candidate. Governor John Davis Lodge of Connecticut was supporting General Eisenhower, but not in such a vociferous manner as to make him unacceptable to Senator Taft. Governor Theodore McKeldin of Maryland was a favorite-son candidate and in a trading position with his 22 delegate votes. Governor Warren might also bring to the ticket, as he had in 1948, the same rich delegate and potential electoral support which made Senator Knowland attractive. While running for the presidency, he had also been a presidential candidate in 1948 when he accepted the second spot.

Recent Republican conventions had produced sentiment for Congressman Joe Martin of Massachusetts, who would be permanent convention chairman again. Harold Stassen, president of the University of Pennsylvania and former Governor of Minnesota, had been a contender for the 1948 presidential nomination but was now a favorite son, controlling 21 of the 28 delegate votes from Minnesota. Observers were having a tough time picturing General MacArthur as a vice-presidential nominee and he had renounced any political ambitions, but as the keynote speaker at the convention, he could hold great power.

The piece next provides short synopses of the advantages held by each of the leading four Senatorial and four gubernatorial contenders.

A letter writer tells of being shocked and disgusted at reading a letter of June 20, advocating civil rights legislation, a one-party political system, no separation of church and state, and a welfare state. He believes those were the policies promoted by the Communists, that civil rights legislation added no freedom for any individual but was "just another phase of Egghead Truman's program of more legislation".

One thing of which we have never heard anyone accuse Mr. Truman was being an egghead, plain-speaking, practical, not an egghead. That was traditionally applied to Governor Stevenson. Maybe the writer is a little confused as to the meaning of the term.

Anyway, you're going to get Humpety-Dumpety in there in the veep spot.

A letter writer reprints part of a telegram sent by a former chairman of the Texas Republican state executive committee to General Eisenhower, in which the former chairman implored him to renounce the "smear tactics" being employed by his general managers in Texas regarding the claimed theft of the Texas delegation for Senator Taft. He indicates that a large number of "Taft-hating New Dealers" had sought to muscle into the ranks of the Republicans to prevent the nomination from going to the Senator. He believes it was only natural that the Republicans who had carried the banner for many years had fought such "insincere interlopers". He finds that the cry from the Eisenhower supporters that they were robbed was the result of their political inexperience. He also indicates that local Taft Republicans in Mecklenburg had sought to open up the ranks of Republicans to anyone who sincerely wanted to work to oust "the corrupt, inefficient and wasteful administration which is now leading our nation down the one-way road to socialism, bankruptcy, and despair."

It sounds like you would rather pursue the isolationist doctrine of Senator Taft and forget about fighting the Communists in Korea. Furthermore, your expression would have a better ring if you substituted "communalization, desolation, and self-detestation" for the latter phrase.

A letter writer indicates that the Republicans currently had the greatest opportunity to become a great party, after the Democrats had been in power for 20 years. He indicates that if the Republicans were able to woo enough Democrats to win, it would indicate that the Democratic Party was not what it had once been. He asks whether the Republicans always had to be the underdog because of a few selfish men who controlled the party. He finds that General Eisenhower was a leader who was decent and honest, would tolerate no corruption in government, and was a symbol of "the America which our forefathers had in mind at the signing of the Constitution." He indicates that he was a Democrat, but if the General became the Republican nominee, he would vote for him.

A letter writer indicates that according to Earl Wilson's column, a person in New York had wanted to bet $51,000 that anyone nominated by the Democrats would beat Senator Taft and that General Eisenhower, as the Republican nominee, would beat anyone nominated by the Democrats. The writer had seen a bet made in Charlotte recently that Governor Adlai Stevenson would beat Senator Taft if nominated, and by the same 5 to 1 odds, that General Eisenhower would beat any Democrat nominated. He concludes that the Republicans had a chance to win with the General, but it looked like they would wind up nominating Senator Taft and lose again. He wants Republicans in North Carolina to wake up.

A pome appears by Ernest Rogers of the Atlanta Journal, "In Which A Word Of Advice Is Passed Along To Wives Who Wish To Make A Success Of Marriage:

"Be ye slim or tall or chubby,
Make a hobby of your hubby."

But if he be nicknamed "Stubby",
You snobs might wish to be a little snubby.

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