The Charlotte News
Monday, February 18, 1952
Site Ed. Note Report: The front page reports, via William Jorden, that the Communists this date had challenged the U.N. negotiators' rejection of Russia's nomination to a neutral post-armistice Korean inspection commission, indicating that by every standard the Soviet Union qualified as a neutral nation in the conflict, demanding, therefore, that the allies provide an explanation for their objection. The U.N. negotiations team had nominated Switzerland, Norway and Sweden as its representatives on the inspection commission, and the Communists, in addition to Russia, had nominated Poland and Czechoslovakia.
Without explanation, the Communists called off a meeting of the negotiators regarding the proposed peace conference to be held 90 days after the armistice, calling for another meeting the following day. On Sunday, Vice-Admiral C. Turner Joy had accepted a revised Communist proposal for the conference on the conditions that it would include discussion of withdrawal of foreign troops from Korea, that peaceful settlement of the Korean question would be restricted to Korean problems and not extend to other Asiatic issues, and that final recommendations would be forwarded to the U.N. General Assembly, as well to the Republic of Korea, the latter not a U.N. member.
In the air war, U.S. Sabre jets, outnumbered by 40 to 19, damaged two Communist MIG jets in a battle over North Korea this date. In all, 250 enemy jets in four groups were spotted over North Korea during the day, but no other battles had occurred. The Fifth Air Force flew 552 sorties as part of "Operation Strangle", the campaign to cut Communist supply lines, entering its seventh month. On Sunday, Sabres had shot down three MIGs.
In the ground war, an allied tank-infantry task force penetrated deep into the old Communist Iron Triangle in central Korea, driving Chinese Communist troops from a high hill, and then withdrawing. Another U.N. raiding party escaped from a Communist trap east of the Pukhan River in central Korea Sunday night and returned safely to allied lines after being pinned down for six hours by machinegun fire and grenades.
In London, the Big Three foreign ministers met with West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer this date to inform him that West Germany could share in NATO planning and strategy only as a member of the European army and not as a full member of NATO. The West German Parliament had demanded equal voice in NATO in exchange for German troops for the European army. France was also reported to have insisted on a distinction in the powers of a proposed four-power appeals tribunal to pardon or parole convicted German war criminals, as a pardon, according to the French view, would imply the removal of guilt. The meeting was also said to have discussed Germany's financial contribution to European defense, following a report by the Temporary Council Committee of NATO, headed by Averell Harriman, issued the previous day, indicating that Germany had an estimated ability to pay 2.7 billion dollars, whereas West Germany previously had set less than that amount as the most it could provide.
The Defense Department announced that new atomic tests were taking place in the Pacific, at Eniwetok, suggesting that either the weapon involved was too powerful for the Nevada test site at Yucca Flats or of particular concern to the Navy.
In London, Britain announced that it would test a new atomic weapon the following September or October at Woomera rocket range in Australia. British experts asserted that the weapon would be better than any thus far produced by the U.S., but perhaps not as powerful. It was not clear whether the weapon was a bomb or some other device the explosion of which could be controlled. Authoritative sources indicated that the new weapon would be detonated by an entirely new but still secret process. Preparations for the test included the removal of aboriginal tribes from the area. Most British newspapers greeted the announcement as proof that Britain had made a tremendous stride forward in an effort to restore the country to military equality with the U.S. and the Soviet Union, and had also highlighted a remark by Senator Brien McMahon of Connecticut, chairman of the joint Congressional Atomic Energy Committee, that the development could cause the U.S. to revise its policy against sharing atomic information with Britain.
At the opening of public hearings by a Senate investigations subcommittee chaired by Senator Clyde Hoey of North Carolina, the Senator stated that the object of the investigation in this instance would be a group of American political figures who had managed to convert a $101,000 investment in war surplus ships into a $3.25 million profit in three years. He said that the purpose of the hearings would be to determine whether the investment was legal, whether Federal taxes had been avoided, and to determine the types of legal, brokerage and other fees involved in the transaction. Washington lawyer Joseph Casey had indicated that he had headed the group, and had publicly spoken of a $2.8 million profit on five of the eight oil tankers involved, naming among the investors Admiral William Halsey, the late former Secretary of State Edward Stettinius, Jr., and Julius Holmes, minister to the U.S. Embassy in London. Mr. Casey was testifying this date, along with Vice-Admiral E. L. Cochrane, the U.S. Maritime administrator, who testified that the predecessor to his agency, the Maritime Commission, had sold eight tankers to American Overseas Tanker Corporation, the group headed by Mr. Casey, for 12.2 million dollars in 1947. The price, he said, was set by law and was approximately 1.5 million dollars per ship, compared to original construction costs of three million dollars each. Admiral Cochrane said that he had nothing to do with the sales and that five of the tankers had been placed under Panamanian registry by the new owners while three flew United States flags, the latter at a competitive disadvantage because of the substantially higher costs of operation with American crews, Panamanian registries enabling lower costs.
In Douglasville, Ga., a couple and their son were electrocuted in series the previous day, in a futile attempt to save a second son from a fallen high-tension electrical wire. The latter had wandered into a field where the line had fallen and when he leaned over to inspect it, had been electrocuted when the line snapped across his waist. The other family members died in succession as they tried to pull one another away from the wire, only one of the family of five surviving the ordeal.
In Whiteville, N.C., a Government lawyer stated this date that he would prosecute the ten former Klansmen, arrested by the FBI on Saturday, under the Federal Lindbergh kidnapping law but would make no recommendation as to punishment—the Lindbergh law affording the death penalty when the kidnapping entailed movement across state lines, the decision not to recommend the death penalty, no doubt, arising from the notion that to seek death under such conditions where no life-threatening injury was inflicted and no attempted murder had taken place, could lead future perpetrators to decide that they had nothing to lose by silencing witnesses after such a kidnapping, thus serving as a negative deterrent. The prosecutor said that he was confident that there was enough evidence to obtain a conviction and that it would be up to the recommendation of the jury and then the court as to punishment. Though there had been reports of at least 11 persons who had been flogged in recent months, the specific charges, which included civil rights violations, related to a white man and white woman who had been living together in the same home and were abducted and flogged at the same time, on the prior October 6. A raid of some 35 FBI agents, following a lengthy investigation in conjunction with local and State officials, had netted the ten defendants, in and around the community of Fair Bluff in Columbus County. The arrests included four officers of the since disbanded Fair Bluff Klan Klavern, including its Exalted Cyclops. The County Sheriff said that the atmosphere had dramatically improved in the wake of the arrests and it was unlikely there would be any more mob violence in the immediate future.
At the Greensboro-High Point airport, a meteorologist of the U.S. Weather Bureau reported an explosion of a large meteorite, later adding that an unconfirmed report had indicated that the explosion perhaps came from a jet plane at high altitude, though the meteorologist discounted that theory. He estimated the distance from the airport of the explosion to have been a hundred miles or more, and the altitude of the falling object to have been between 40,000 and 80,000 feet. An airline pilot had also reported seeing the object from his plane.
You know what that is...
In Raleigh, the supporters in the state of Senator Taft indicated that they expected to have a substantial majority of the delegates from North Carolina at the Republican convention in July. Supporters in the state of General Eisenhower were not quite so optimistic, but believed support in the state was fairly equally divided between the two candidates. Both sides were working hard in Congressional district conventions to accumulate delegates, most such conventions to be held on March 15, in addition to four delegates to be selected at large from a state convention to be held in Charlotte on March 1.
Another Gallup poll appears, assessing the relative ability of Senator Taft and General Eisenhower to work with Congress, should either be elected President. Of the respondents, 55 percent believed that General Eisenhower could get along better with Congress and 28 percent thought Senator Taft would enjoy better relations, while 17 percent did not know. When only Republican respondents were tabulated, the results were much closer, those results appearing on another page.
As pictured, in New York, a man developed a "General MacArthur Land-Water Bike", designed to permit amphibious pedaling, but after venturing 150 yards into the frigid Hudson River, was persuaded by police to return to shore, whereupon he was taken to Bellevue Hospital for examination.
On page 7-B, the twenty-fifth installment
of the serialization of Fulton Oursler's The Greatest Story Ever
Written tells the
On the editorial page, "The World, the Nation, and the GOP" tells of the Republican Party of 1952 being a "conglomeration of contradictory personalities and ideas", ranging from those of Senator John W. Bricker to those of Senator Wayne Morse, with varying degrees of progressivism and conservatism in between the extremes. One wing of the party had aligned itself behind Senator Taft and the other, behind General Eisenhower, and so it assesses the two candidates on the basis of their positions on foreign policy, domestic policy, and in terms of the future of the Republican Party.
Foreign policy was the dominant theme of the day and General Eisenhower was basically aligned with the President, while Senator Taft favored a new form of isolationism, pulling in all foreign commitments and mobilization, and forming a "fortress America", reliant almost exclusively on air power and naval power abroad.
In terms of domestic policy, the General also appeared to accept the concept of individual welfare and social justice which had defined the New Deal and Fair Deal, but which the Taft forces found "socialistic". The latter preferred to try to turn the clock back on human progress. The piece believes that General Eisenhower, however, favored a middle ground, in between socialism and the old frontier form of rugged individualism, which the piece also favors.
Regarding the destiny of the Republican Party, it refers to the piece on the page by Vic Reinemer of The News, who lays forth the projected Senate committee chairmanships under a Republican Senate, finding that it would elevate some of the more reactionary members of the Party to control of key committees, an inevitable result of the seniority system in determining chairmanships. It finds that whether the Republicans—as they would—might capture both houses or whether the Democrats might retain control of the Senate, General Eisenhower was to be preferred over Senator Taft as President, as the General could balance and temper the conservatism of the Republican Congressional leaders, and, even if the Democrats retained control of the Senate, could better adapt to the leadership within the Democratic Party, especially in terms of foreign policy. The General would also encourage the development of a new kind of Republican leadership, aware of the complexities of the age and possessed of a positive philosophy of government. A Taft presidency, by contrast, would entrench the Old Guard and eventually lead the party to the oblivion to which it would then deserve.
It thus again reiterates its choice of General Eisenhower as the Republican nominee.
It should be noted that the column had also recently indicated its approval of Governor Adlai Stevenson as the Democratic nominee, to provide a real choice for voters in November, indicating that either would make a good President, restoring honor to the executive branch, beset of late by scandals, typical, it had found, of a party too long in power.
"A Blow at the Ku Klux Klan" comments on the arrest on Saturday by the FBI of ten former Klansmen in Columbus County, North Carolina, finding that it must have brought a sense of grim satisfaction to thoughtful people all over the South who recognized the Klan as a symbol of "ignorance, religious intolerance, racial bigotry and lawless mob terrorism". For months, these Klansmen had terrorized the residents of Columbus County, going to homes and pulling people out, taking them to remote areas, sometimes over the South Carolina line, and flogging them. Thanks to the "relentless and efficient" efforts of the FBI, with the full cooperation of local and State officers, the ten former Klansmen had been arrested on Federal charges of kidnapping and violation of civil rights laws.
It indicates that the real test, however, would come when the defendants went to trial in eastern North Carolina, testing whether a jury would find them guilty and thereby issue a blow to the Klan in that area. In one sense, it finds it fortunate that the charges were based on the flogging of a white woman and a white man, to take some of the racial tension out of the matter. "The jurymen will have before them a clear-cut example of the lawless brute force of the Ku Klux Klan, a cheap, un-American organization that masks its identity behind hoods and robes and covers its venality with a thin veneer of self-righteous morality."
It concludes that while the Klan needed to be "pounded to earth" wherever it sought to rise, the more important objective was to eradicate the ignorance, intolerance and hatred which provided the seeds of its existence.
It might have added, contrary to the editorial stance of the newspaper, that the very best way to go about doing that would be to integrate the schools, thereby giving young students direct experience with members of the other race, on both sides of the racial barriers, in settings of equality, divorced from the typical scenario of subordinate interaction, encountered in domestic service and other such employment situations of the time. It is easy enough to say the word "brotherhood", but actually applying the principle most easily comes when one is in a situation, whether it be in war, as had been the case during World War II and now in Korea, or simply dependent on others, regardless of skin color, for mutual victory in a football or basketball game, whether as a member of the team, or just a student of the school pulling for one's team, or, engaged in more scholarly pursuits, in debating societies or in any number of extracurricular school activities, or just understanding through ordinary classroom interaction the worth and humanity of others, regardless of the pigment of skin.
Everyone, according to the psychologists, is born into the world with the common experience of egocentrism, that is the inherent need for nourishment from another and, once so provided, natural experiential development of a belief system based on the notion that the individual is the center of the universe. Most persons of normal sensibilities naturally grow out of this egocentrism when they enter kindergartens and preschools and realize, quickly, through interaction with others, that they are not the center of the universe. Yet, some individuals, though coming reluctantly to grips with the bitter realization that there is competition within the universe, that there are others who can run faster, leap higher, jump further, obtain a better grade on the test, endure greater rigors, academically or physically, and so forth, will desire inevitably some handy group stereotype upon which both to posit their excuse for either academic or physical inferiority and to act as the handy-dandy receptacle for all of the bitterness thereby occasioned. Thus is produced, through such scapegoats, the group prejudices which result in one form or another of racial, religious, or ethnic-based group hatreds.
In a different form, take for example youthful absorption of intercollegiate rivalries, to the point where some young people will inevitably truly hate the opponent, be it Duke, Wake Forest, N.C. State, UNC, U. Va., the University of South Carolina, Clemson, the University of Maryland, etc.—deliberately selecting the original members of the Atlantic Coast Conference as embodying a significant amount of our own personal experience while growing up in that area of the world. Yet, when one reaches a certain age, perhaps prior to actual attendance of one of those schools, or perhaps thereafter, one realizes that there are siblings of friends or relatives of friends or relatives of one's own family, or friends of one's own, who have attended or are attending one of those institutions of higher learning, and who actually even pull for the sports teams of those institutions, necessitating adjustment of one's prejudices accordingly, first to accommodate these personal acquaintances, excepting them out of the role of "the hated lowlifes of that so-and-so school", then, gradually, as one grows and matures more and finds, when objectively viewed, the absurdity of such prior prejudices toward individuals based on mere membership in a larger group of presumptuous, know-it-all jerk-faces, simply because of their attendance at a particular school and their pulling for a particular team, one comes to understand the absurdity likewise of other prejudices based on such ephemeral data obtained through mere observation from a distance rather than via personal interaction with individuals of a particular group.
The same might be said of Republicans and Democrats.
"The Goal of Brotherhood" tells of it being coincidental that the ten former Klansmen had been arrested on the eve of Brotherhood Week, as the Klan stood for the hatreds which the Week sought to allay. Hate, it suggests, was the product of ignorance and blindness, warping the mind and poisoning the heart, causing inner damage which might be irreparable. It commends the Week, sponsored by the National Conference of Christians and Jews, as a time to assess hearts and spirits and reflect on attitudes toward the Judeo-Christian concept of the "brotherhood of man under the Fatherhood of God".
In 1952, the observance would focus on the need to provide blood for the men fighting in Korea, and urges the giving of blood for that purpose.
It indicates that it might appear futile to talk about such a concept when the principle of brotherhood was being denied in so many places across the world, including in the U.S., but because the goal had yet to be achieved, it was in need of even greater emphasis.
And, running counter to those principles of brotherhood and integration of society, we have, in 2019, this editor out of Alabama who puts forward, in the small-circulation, biweekly newspaper he inherited from his father, the Democrat-Reporter, an editorial, in which he advocates, on Valentine's Day inst., having a resurrection of the Klan to go to Washington to root out the "socialist-communist idealogy [sic]" evils of our times.
That newspaper has a history of such racist editorials, impliedly or expressly supportive of the Klan, as witness this editorial, reprinted April 16, 2008 from 1946, in which the history of the Klan is recited in a neutral, even approving manner, never once condemning the organization or its aims, even still employing in 1946 the then long outmoded non-capitalized form of "negro"—an editorial which we ran across in the first edition we examined of this little rag, and so likely not the only such editorial published by it.
Parenthetically, the latter editorial references the 1871 Congressional inquiry into Klan activities in the South, and suggests that the inquiry cleared the Klan of participation in the Huntsville riot of November 3, 1868. But did it? A Huntsville lawyer, for instance, who testified before that select Committee, having prosecuted the local Klan, served as counsel for some of its members, and identified as a Republican who voted in 1860 for Democrat Stephen Douglas but had opposed secession, stated that he believed that Klan members among the crowd had started the shooting which resulted in the deaths of a black man and a white judge, while the Klan members who paraded around the town square in full regalia that night with the aim of discouraging votes for Republican candidate for the presidency, U. S. Grant, had not fired any shots.
Yet, this lawyer was apparently a scalawag...
In any event, you can't blame old Goodloe for his Democrat-Reporter editorial too much, as he comes by it, very possibly, quite naturally, perhaps through his mother's blood, as he may be related to old Mr. Goodloe, heya...
But, really now, Goodloe, you need to adjust to the times a little betta, and realize that it is not any longa 1915.
A piece from the Joplin (Mo.) Globe, titled "Problem for Cities", indicates that as more companies moved into cities, they became more congested, without adequate parking, reducing downtown real estate values. In St. Louis, recently, the Monsanto Chemical Co. had announced a decision to locate a new general headquarters, rather than downtown, far to the west of the city, prompting the St. Louis Post-Dispatch to suggest that an historian of the future might indicate that St. Louis and other cities had "choked to death in their own traffic". The piece indicates that Monsanto had taken into account both the community and its employees in making the decision to locate in the suburbs.
Drew Pearson, in Chico, Calif., tells of finding, as one traveled across the U.S., that Americans were possessed of a new rebellious cynicism, inclined to place all troubles at the doorstep of Washington, feeling frustration and disgust at the reports of corruption in the Federal Government and weariness over the continuing Korean War. He suggests that it was the same atmosphere extant in 1933, in the wake of the Roosevelt victory in the midst of depression, which swept into office a number of Democratic "screwballs", and might have the same effect with regard to Republican "screwballs" coming into office the following fall. People were resentful of the big-city bosses in both parties and figured that the President's recent statement that the primaries were merely "eyewash" was probably accurate. There was a growing sentiment in the country in favor of the proposal of Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois and Congressman Charles Bennett of Florida to conduct a nationwide presidential primary, which, while not binding on the convention delegates, would at least indicate to the party bosses the national sentiment for party nominees.
He next provides an assessment of the existing delegate-selection process in the states, finding that in five states, Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Georgia and Louisiana, the delegates were chosen by party leaders and simply told how to vote, that in 27 other states, including North Carolina and several other Southern states, the party bosses could determine the selection of delegates.
The best primary system was in Oregon where candidates could not refuse to have their names placed on the ballot once they were entered, thus providing a truly competitive test of candidate popularity. New Hampshire also had a fair primary system.
In New York, with the largest bloc of delegates, the slates did not have to reveal for which candidate they intended to vote at the convention, such that New York voters in the primary were voting for "pledged party stooges" who might ultimately vote for one candidate or another, depending on what Democratic Boss Ed Flynn of the Bronx and state chairman Paul Fitzpatrick told them to do. Massachusetts and New Jersey had similar systems. In Ohio, delegates remained pledged to a certain candidate only as long as their "best judgment and ability" provided, enabling them to change their pledge whenever they saw fit at the convention. Illinois had a similar loophole.
He concludes that those and other boss-dictated "jokers in state election laws" had reduced the presidential primary system to a mockery.
Vic Reinemer, associate editor of The News, as referenced in the above editorial, discusses the hypothetical changes in Senate committee chairmanships, should the balance in the Senate shift by three seats to form a Republican majority. (The vote would favor the Republicans by the narrowest of margins, to afford them 48 seats, half of the Senate, to the Democrats' 47 seats, with Senator Wayne Morse switching from Republican to Independent.)
The more interesting changes he lists would occur in the following committees: Senator Joseph McCarthy would replace Senator John McClellan of Arkansas as chairman of the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Department; Senator Taft would succeed Senator James Murray of Montana as chairman of the Labor & Public Welfare Committee; Senator Homer Capehart of Indiana would become head of the Banking & Currency Committee, succeeding Senator Burnet Maybank of South Carolina; Senator William Langer of North Dakota would head the Post Office & Civil Service Committee, in lieu of Senator Olin Johnston of South Carolina; Senator Styles Bridges of New Hampshire could take over either the Armed Services or the Appropriations Committee, the latter of which could also be chaired by Senator Homer Ferguson of Michigan and the former by Senator Leverett Saltonstall of Massachusetts, depending on which Committee Senator Bridges would choose to chair; Senator Alexander Wiley of Wisconsin could choose between the Judiciary Committee, presently chaired by Senator Pat McCarran of Nevada, and the Foreign Relations Committee, currently headed by Senator Tom Connally of Texas, such that either Senator Langer could succeed to the Judiciary chair or Senator Alexander Smith of New Jersey, to the Foreign Relations chair, depending on the chairmanship selected by Senator Wiley; Senator Hugh Butler of Nebraska would head the Interior & Insular Affairs Committee, succeeding Senator Joseph O'Mahoney of Wyoming; and Senator Eugene Millikin would succeed Senator Walter George of Georgia as head of the Finance Committee.
And, he continues to go on down the list of committees, pointing out that only three of the 15 standing committee chairs would fall to Republican Senators considered liberal, one of those being to Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., of Massachusetts, that of the Rules & Administration Committee, Senator Lodge, however, to be defeated in the November general election by Congressman John F. Kennedy. The other two liberal Republicans to succeed to chairmanships would be Senator Charles Tobey of New Hampshire, to replace Senator Ed Johnson of Colorado as head of the Interstate & Foreign Commerce Committee, and Senator George Aiken of Vermont, to head Agriculture & Forestry in place of Senator Allen Ellender of Louisiana.
Joseph & Stewart Alsop tell of an assessment being conducted by the American Government of the Soviet technical and scientific capabilities, discovering in Korea that the Communist air force jet interceptor, the MIG-15, was possessed of more speed, thrust and altitude capability than any fighter aircraft yet produced by the U.S. But the most important result was the upward revision of the estimates of Soviet atomic stockpile capabilities over the course of the ensuing three years, rendering the old estimates off by about 50 percent, meaning that, instead of being able to destroy U.S. coastal cities and thereby take out trans-Atlantic exports of American troops and weapons with about 30 or 40 atomic bombs of medium strength by 1955, the Soviets could handle this task by 1953.
Moreover, the ability to retaliate could be diminished. The intercontinental B-36 was now obsolete and the jet-powered B-47, to become the staple of strategic air power, did not have intercontinental range, thus necessitating overseas airbases. Progress had been made with in-flight refueling and studies were being made of artificial ports which might supply some of the trans-Atlantic traffic in the case of destruction of normal port facilities. Yet, fighting a war after being three-quarters cut off from both overseas allies and airbases would produce great problems.
There was little hope that air defense developments would change this outlook. "Project Lincoln" was an Air Force study of the air defense problem, being carried out by contract with MIT, and while producing many important new air defense developments, had also concluded that an airtight defense against attacking bomber forces could probably never be achieved.
The new British War Secretary, Brigadier Anthony Head, had theorized that all of those dangers could be overcome by building a solid, conventional defense of the West, with adequate ground forces in Europe, together with naval and air forces. That gave to the American people a personal interest, therefore, in the outcome of the coming NATO conference at Lisbon. But, the Alsops caution, a complete conventional defense of the West appeared as an optimistic dream, such that many of the leading American physicists were now in favor of a new look at overall strategic-political problems created by the atomic age and its arms race. It was not known where such a new look would lead, but, they counsel, it was time to bring the complex of problems out into the open to be faced squarely.
Marquis Childs, writing from Columbus, O., tells of professional Republican leaders in Ohio resenting the fact that Charles Taft of Cincinnati was going against their will and running in the gubernatorial race, expected to win the primary. Their reasoning was that Mr. Taft, brother of Senator Robert Taft and son of the late President William Howard Taft, had been a part of the Government during the war, under the New Deal of FDR, and after the war, under the Fair Deal of President Truman.
In Cincinnati, Mr. Taft had helped institute the charter form of government, likely to be more efficient, but also likely to cut out the privileges and prerogatives of the ward politicians, thus leading to the enmity of the latter. Their wrath was also occasioned by the fact that professional politicians expected those who were already well-heeled, such as Mr. Taft, with both a law practice and a comfortable inheritance, to remain aloof from politics. But, posits Mr. Childs, such men were a bonus to the system for having accepted "the political responsibility inherent in a position of privilege", and better than the country deserved.
Between the two brothers, the contrast was great, as the professional politicians adored Robert, who, to the present, had not said whether he would endorse his brother in the Ohio gubernatorial primary. Former Minnesota Governor Harold Stassen, it was rumored, would endorse Charles for the gubernatorial nomination, if so, a clever strategy, as Mr. Stassen had nothing to lose insofar as adding to the animosity already engendered toward him among the professionals in Ohio for merely having the temerity to enter the presidential primary against Senator Taft.
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