The Charlotte News

Friday, December 5, 1952


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that President-elect Eisenhower had spent three days in Korea inspecting combat units near the front, departing this date for his return to the United States, his visit and itinerary having been maintained as secret in the meantime for security reasons. The President-elect had not allowed questions at a press conference attended by 125 newspaper, radio and magazine correspondents from many nations this date. He had talked rapidly and seriously for ten minutes and then departed. One correspondent from a foreign nation said that he did not like Ike anymore, and another non-Americans said that he thought the General had taken "an awkward way out of what, for him, might have been an embarrassing situation" and that the reporter was "grim" about it. Most of the journalists present pocketed their pencils with a shrug of resignation, expressing regret that the General's time had been so limited. Some had not anticipated any questions and answers. During the brief conference, the President-elect stated that he did not believe in attacking Communist China or otherwise spreading the Korean War. The President-elect said that he had come to Korea to learn, that he offered no panaceas or "trick ways" of settling any problem. He indicated that much could be done to improve the U.S. position in Korea and that much would be done. If he had found a way to end the war, he had not said so. He had talked with the generals and the soldiers of high and low ranks, in their bunkers encamped amid sleet, snow and wind in the mountains. He talked with the troops of the U.S., Korea, Britain, France, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Thai, and the Philippines. In doing so, he risked death from Russian-made MIGs or from snipers and assassins on the ground.

Associated Press correspondent Don Whitehead reports that it could not yet be determined whether the mission had been a success or a failure, and that only time would tell. The President-elect said that he and his staff would study everything they had learned so that his Administration would be better able to pursue its policy of supporting freedom in the world. He hinted that one of his first moves would be to speed up training of South Koreans to take over most of the combat burden presently on Americans.

His departure from New York on the previous Saturday had been a well-kept secret, having departed his Morningside Heights residence prior to dawn when the streets were barren and silent. Secretary of Defense-designate Charles E. Wilson, accompanying the President-elect on the journey, maintained an equal strategy of stealth in accomplishing his departure, as had the six reporters and photographers designated to take the trip. Mr. Whitehead describes in detail the departure.

Shortly prior to the President-elect's departure from Korea, he had visited with President Syngman Rhee of South Korea for a hastily arranged conference, during which the two exchanged notes, according to a source, which would be made public the following day. Previously, the President-elect had met with President Rhee at U.S. Eighth Army headquarters but had not called on him until this date. The meeting averted a possible loss of face for the U.S. in Asia.

In separate news conferences the previous day, the President and Governor Stevenson, after the two men had met at the White House, both indicated that the immediate goal for the Democratic Party was victory in the 1954 mid-term elections. Both said that President-elect Eisenhower's Administration would get a fair chance to show what it could do. The Democratic Party would concentrate on wiping out its campaign deficit and then seek to recapture both houses of Congress two years hence. Governor Stevenson said that party interests would be subordinated to the interests of the country and the public welfare. The President, in his press conference, refused to discuss the new Cabinet appointments, saying that he wished to provide the new Administration a chance to operate and that he would be just as happy as anyone else if they succeeded. He added that any mistakes would be pointed out by the Democrats. Both men refused to discuss plans for their future. At one point the President answered a question regarding whether he would attend the formal coronation of Queen Elizabeth in London the following June by saying that he could not because he would be too busy, and upon further inquiry as to what would be preoccupying him at that point, said that it would be during his period of resting after the Presidency.

The President's mother-in-law, Mrs. Wallace, had died at the White House this date at age 90, from a cerebral thrombosis, having been ill for several months. Bess Truman was the eldest of Mrs. Wallace's four children, and the other three siblings, all men, were living.

At the U.N. in New York, sources said that Secretary-General Trygve Lie had fired nine American employees this date for refusing to answer questions posed by the McCarran Internal Security Committee regarding their past Communist affiliations and subversive connections. Nine other employees had previously been dismissed for the same cause earlier in the year. Mr. Lie warned his staff in a formal statement that they would face a similar fate if they acted similarly. He said that he had followed the advice of the three-man panel of international jurists who had recommended that course. He said that within a few days, he would set up an advisory panel to assist him in dealing with specific cases. The nine fired employees had been on special leave with pay pending decision, after they had refused to answer their questions. The source indicated that Mr. Lie had provided to them on Monday an ultimatum to answer the questions by noon the previous day or face firing. All of their answers had proved unsatisfactory

Rowland Evans, Jr., indicates that Charles Killingsworth, appointed the previous night to replace Archibald Cox as the new Wage Stabilization Board chief after Mr. Cox had resigned in protest of the President's decision, announced two days earlier, effectively to overturn the WSB decision to reduce the negotiated $1.90 per day wage increase of the UMW coal miners by 40 cents and grant the full negotiated wage increase to avert a coal strike, stated this date that the President's decision had in no way changed wage rules and regulations which the Board had adopted. Mr. Killingsworth said he hoped to preserve for the new Administration a functioning program and agency which could be continued, liquidated, or placed on a standby status, as the new President and Congress saw fit. He said that the President's decision had undeniably added to the Board's difficulties but did not establish a new pattern or precedent. Mr. Cox had sent a letter of resignation to the President saying that the decision had indicated one of two things, that stabilization would continue, but with exemption of the UMW, or that a general easing of wage rules all along the line would make continuance of the program useless, indicating that in either case he believed he could be of no further use. Meanwhile, the seven industry members of the WSB, who had announced a formal boycott of the Board for the present, had met secretly the previous night and scheduled a formal session for this afternoon to decide whether to resign as a group or remain on the board or act individually.

In Baltimore, two convicts described as dangerous fugitives had escaped the Western State Penitentiary in Pittsburgh, but were subsequently captured the previous night, according to the FBI. They had come into police clutches accidentally the previous night with their real identity not having been discovered until this date, after they had been arrested for trespassing on railroad property and fined $25 under fictitious names. But when one of them placed an out of town phone call to try to raise the fine, the suspicious police captain called the FBI, which identified the prisoners as the fugitives.

Ann Sawyer of The News tells of a man in Charlotte being found guilty of second-degree murder in the pistol slaying of another man and being sentenced to 22 to 25 years in Central Prison in Raleigh. Attorneys for the 21-year old defendant gave immediate notice of appeal and the judge set appellate bond at $12,500. The jury had deliberated for about five hours. The defendant had testified that he shot the other man on October 21 in self-defense when the other man had lunged at him with a knife. The shooting had taken place in a house which was described throughout the trial as a gambling and liquor establishment. The defendant said that he and the other man had a dispute about a watch which the defendant had lost while two other men had been fighting, at which point the defendant obtained a pistol from his car and returned, whereupon the other man lunged at him with a knife, prompting the defendant to fire. The defendant showed no emotion as the judge pronounced sentence, the judge commenting that he had a great deal of sympathy for the defendant as his testimony had indicated that he had not had much of a chance in life. He also said that the victim had come from a good family.

In Rome, workmen excavating for a foundation found the ruin of an ancient Roman theater this date, with archaeologists indicating that it was one of the most important discoveries in Rome during the century.

In Michigan City, Ind., Clancy was home after spending half of his short life on a road he had never previously traveled, having been only six months old when he took to the road six months earlier. Clancy's family had given him away to a neighbor when they moved, but a week later, he had run away. This week, he showed up at his original home, lean and with sore feet. No one knew how Clancy had found his way back home.

It must have been a long crawl for poor little Clancy. Why couldn't his family have taken him with them?

On the editorial page, "Taft Should Read the Election Returns" indicates that it had mulled the question for several days regarding Senator Taft's statement on the "incredible" appointment of Martin Durkin as the new Secretary of Labor, Mr. Durkin having been a Democrat who had opposed Taft-Hartley. It decides that the Senator had not read the election returns, had not realized apparently that he was not elected as the new President or even nominated by his party. General Eisenhower had been elected with a far greater popular majority than the Congressional members of his party, and, in many cases, members of Congress owed their election to the General's coattails. He had won because millions of independents and dissident Democrats had voted for him, and in spite of the fact of his efforts to placate the "sulking Taft" having threatened to cost him many votes. His appeal had cut across party and regional lines.

His appointment of Mr. Durkin was for sound political reasons, and while it indicates it held no brief for Mr. Durkin, it stood by the principle that a President-elect had the right to select the top personnel to share the burden of leadership. The new President had chosen to put Senator Taft in his place by ignoring his recommendations for Cabinet positions and it agrees with that decision. The nation could not exist with two Presidents, one in the White House and one on Capitol Hill.

It regards the President-elect as having met the first challenge to his leadership with courage and determination, whereas Senator Taft, in his uncalled for outburst, had demonstrated himself to be a "poor loser, a man whose pretensions are larger than his dimensions."

The piece appears, perhaps, in the latter statement to be making some sort of backwards subliminal reference to the Senator's rather rotund father.

"Carl Snavely—Victim of a System" comments on the resignation of the UNC football coach, who had enjoyed great success in his eight seasons at UNC, since 1945, especially in the 1946 through 1949 seasons, with two successful seasons before that, in 1934 and 1935, until the 1950, 1951 and current seasons, when the teams had gone a total of 7-19-2. He was widely recognized as one of the top football experts in collegiate coaching, but the record of the previous three seasons had precipitated the end of his tenure at UNC.

It indicates that it was tempting for the editorial writer to criticize the standard of athletic values, placing such a disproportionate emphasis on victory, and suggests that the scale of values was out of balance. But it finds that it accomplished little to be upset about the fate of one coach, only one symptom of a larger problem which colleges and universities had not yet solved, that football, and to an increasing degree basketball, no longer belonged to the colleges but rather to the spectators. They were "highly elaborate, heavily commercialized entertainment extravaganzas, put on more for the titillation of the cash customer than for the improvement of young minds and bodies." And they were expensive, requiring that big crowds be attracted to meet the costs, and to obtain big crowds, the teams had to win. If a coach had good recruiting facilities and ample scholarship subsidies at his disposal, and then failed to win, he had to step aside in favor of another or the whole structure would collapse.

The piece regards it as fortunate that other college sports, such as baseball, track, wrestling, boxing and swimming, had not yet caught the eye of the spectator and hopes that they would escape the dilemma of having to please the fans. Meanwhile, it observes, coaches such as Mr. Snavely would come and go, with their tenure dependent upon their ability "to feed the voracious maw of victory, their other attributes either ignored or treated lightly."

And so it still is, of course, and more so. Perhaps the best example recently is that of Florida State having fired its football coach after only two seasons, failing to produce a winner. Those voracious fans are impatient, especially after having been spoiled by numerous seasons of winners and champions at a given school. And it is not only Florida State, obviously, and the malady extends to basketball as well, though many schools tend to be a little more forgiving and patient regarding basketball success, especially those schools, such as Wake Forest, which have enjoyed only sporadic success in the sport, thus having cultivated fans not quite so spoiled.

We feel compelled to note the psychology present also of becoming a victim of one's own success, with a good example being UNC's football program, having fired Larry Fedora at the end of last season after two successive poor showings in the win-loss column, though having fielded teams which performed well in his prior five seasons, with an excellent season recorded in 2015. That is contrasted with the first two seasons under its once and present coach Mack Brown, those first editions of 1988 and 1989, still remaining as the worst two seasons in UNC football history, with one win each year, followed by increasingly good seasons, capped by five of six very seasoned seasons, the last seeing the team enter the top five in 1997, before Mr. Brown departed for the University of Texas, where he made his great mark in college football, now returning this season to UNC, where his team has gone, so far, six and six, but having suffered the six losses by a total of only 26 points against formidable competition, two in overtime, each eminently winnable in the last UNC series of downs, and one notably, to then number one Clemson, by a single point, by far the closest game undefeated Clemson has had thus far all year. We do not cite that example in any way to suggest criticism of either of those two coaches, both of whom are excellent coaches in their own right, and note that the athletic directors at UNC were different at each time between the 1988-97 period of coach Brown's first tenure and the 2012-18 period of coach Fedora's tenure, but just to point out the trend to show that sometimes, coaches who start off doing well, as coach Fedora, become victims of their own success, when they have an inevitable downfall for a couple of years, while coaches who start out with poor records, as coach Brown did in his first tenure, sometimes, are allowed time to season their programs and achieve success—as was the case, for another instance, with Dean Smith in basketball, and, for that matter, John Wooden at UCLA, both of whom were given a few years before achieving their dramatic success, in the case of coach Smith, his first five seasons, and in the case of coach Wooden, most of his first 14 seasons, before one of his teams reached the final four in 1962, his first national championship having come in his seventeenth season at the UCLA helm, in 1964.

We simply suggest to the voracious, absurdly impatient fans, now used to instant messaging and thus immediate gratification in every other endeavor, a little more patience to enable seasoning of coaches, as with a good cheese or fine wine. Wins and even champions will often come after inauspicious starts.

But having said that, we are glad that coach Brown has returned home and remain supremely confident that next year, with their stellar freshman quarterback of this year and other quality young talent returning, plus an incoming class of excellent freshmen next year, the best recruiting class in years, they will go undefeated and win the national championship. Otherwise, there will still be that seat at the desk available probably at ESPN...

UNC, incidentally, would hire George Barclay as the new head coach, who would have a dismal three-year stint, without a winning season, before they would hire in 1956 Jim Tatum, who had coached one season during the war at UNC, in 1942, and won the 1953 wire service mythical national championship while coaching the University of Maryland, enjoying limited success at UNC before his untimely death in the summer of 1959 from Rocky Mountain spotted fever. Coach Snavely would go on to coach again, beginning the following season, for six years at Washington University in St. Louis, enjoying sporadic success. His overall record at UNC during his ten seasons was 59-35-5. He remains the only UNC coach ever to take the school to one of the major New Year's Day bowls, having gone to the Sugar Bowls of the 1946 and 1948 seasons and the Cotton Bowl of the 1949 season, albeit losing each one. With the favorable outcomes and close losses this year on which to build and excellent personnel with whom to work, we expect coach Brown to change that legacy next year.

Heck, they're only, theoretically, 32 total points away from a playoff spot this year.

"A Job for State Legislatures" indicates that the effort to establish a nationwide presidential preferential primary had quieted down since the prior July, principally because the much-criticized conventions had met the test in 1952 and nominated the best candidate in each party. But it regards the idea as still having merit, that it was not convinced that the conventions could properly replace, quadrennially, a nationwide primary for nomination of party candidates. An objection to such a plan was that it would result in essentially two general elections each year and that campaign costs would, in consequence, skyrocket, giving a strong edge to the candidate with the most money in each party. It would also be virtually impossible for a political unknown, such as Governor Stevenson, to win a nomination.

It favors that all primaries be held on the same day, about 30 to 40 days ahead of the national conventions, and that uniform laws be passed for entering a candidate in the primaries, as well as state compacts formed to determine how firmly convention delegates were to be bound to the results of those primaries. Recently, the Council of State Governments had suggested that the states take the initiative in working out more uniform laws regarding elections. It finds that a good suggestion, but cautions the members of the 48 state legislatures that the desire of the people to have a greater voice in the selection of the nominees might force action by Congress should the states fail to exercise their responsibilities.

"88.9 Per Cent False" tells of the announcer on Drew Pearson's Sunday evening program regularly saying, after Mr. Pearson took a short break, that he would next make his predictions of things to come—"predictions that have proved 88 percent true". But, as pointed out by one of the letters to the editor this date, Mr. Pearson had correctly predicted only one of the eleven Cabinet appointments by President-elect Eisenhower, that of RNC chairman Arthur Summerfield as Postmaster General.

U.S. News & World Report had also speculated on Cabinet appointments, with equal lack of success, having correctly predicted only John Foster Dulles as Secretary of State and Herbert Brownell as Attorney General. Thus it hopes that the announcer for Mr. Pearson would correct the level of accuracy of the predictions to 88.9 percent false.

A piece from the Asheville Citizen, titled "Foundation-Less", addresses the shortage of elementary school teachers in North Carolina, with enrollment in teacher education institutions not gaining as rapidly as necessary to produce the number of qualified teachers needed to fill the gap, and the shortage increasing more rapidly than it had for several recent years, especially in rural areas. The remedy for the problem had confounded educators.

Recently, the Laurinburg Schools superintendent, A. B. Gibson, had made the point that the development in schools of engineering, dentistry, business, law, and medicine in private colleges and universities of the state had not been matched in the field of teacher training, the latter having been relegated to a minor role, even in those institutions primarily devoted to teacher training, those schools having veered from their original function.

The piece indicates that the newspaper did not know of a single education foundation in the state, unless it was one in Chapel Hill dedicated to the pursuit of "better ends, tackles, guards and halfbacks". Yet nearly every profession except teaching had a foundation to help underwrite college training. It says that, along with superintendent Gibson, it would ponder that issue for awhile.

Drew Pearson relates that in the summer of 1945, while General Eisenhower had been resting after the victory over Germany, the seeds had been planted in Korea for the difficulty which he now had to try to resolve. There had been a headlong rush by the Siberian Communist Army south to take Korea, matched by a similar rush by the U.S. Army, under General MacArthur, north to take the country. Faced with a possible clash by the two supposedly allied armies, their commanders did what General Eisenhower had done when he withdrew American troops to the Elbe River, allowing the Russians to capture Berlin. A line had been drawn at the 38th parallel and each side had stopped on either side. Russia received 56 percent of the territory, encompassing a third of the population and the lion's share of the minerals, 50 percent of the gold, and most of the coal, iron and water power. The U.S., in addition to 44 percent of the territory and two-thirds of the people, received the best farmland, the best climate, fisheries and a small amount of industry.

He suggests that it was that "unfortunate, ungainly division" which had planted the seeds for the present war, as the two sections of the country had far less chance of existing separately than did the North and South in the United States in the 1860's. But it should have been no surprise that the Communist Army had attacked South Korea in June, 1950, as for 80 years, Moscow had cast a greedy eye on the peninsula for its long coastline and strategic location vis-à-vis Japan. It was said that the army which controlled Korea could dominate much of northern Asia.

He indicates that 20 years earlier, when transportation had been relatively old-fashioned, he had crossed the narrow strait separating Japan from the tip end of Korea in an antiquated South Manchurian ferry-boat in a matter of hours, and now it could be accomplished by airplane in a matter of minutes. The nation which guarded both the Korean and Japanese side of the narrow waterway could dominate shipping into Vladivostok and at times bottle up Eastern Siberia. The nation which had its army on the Korean Peninsula was a constant threat to Japan, the present principal bastion of defense against Asiatic Communism. He suggests those factors as the reasons why Korea had been fought over since the time of Christ.

There had been a time when Korea had been the religious center of the Orient, admired by China and Japan for its art, science, architecture and literature. It had produced the first encyclopedia, the first astronomical observatory, and the first ironclad warships, but most of the time, especially in recent years, had been most important for its geographic location.

Though the President-elect had made a pledge during the campaign to bring about "an early and honorable end" to the fighting, he would actually have to consider the overall question of Pacific policy. If, in that regard, he followed the policies being urged by Secretary of State-designate John Foster Dulles and the Republican Congressional leaders, to take a more vigorous stand against Asiatic Communism, he would have to move forward and not out of Korea. House Speaker-designate Joe Martin and others, including Senators Taft and Styles Bridges, believed that the U.S. had to take a firmer, more aggressive stance against Communism in Asia. That was why General Mark Clark, supreme commander of the U.N. forces in Korea, had urged to the Pentagon to advance and not withdraw U.S. forces. He had reportedly sought three additional U.S. divisions, but had actually not asked for them, only sounding out the Pentagon on the matter, though the plan for their use had been under definite discussion. Such a plan called for a U.S. troop buildup during the winter, with a full offensive set for the spring. The Navy and Marines were urging another amphibious landing behind enemy lines as part of that plan, similar to that accomplished by General MacArthur on Inchon in September, 1950, while the use of Chinese Nationalists from Formosa was also under consideration.

He suggests that those were the problems facing the new President, difficult problems which could not be determined during his present trip to Korea or decided by the Truman Administration in the meantime. But a decision, nevertheless, would have to be made fairly soon, as a big offensive took months of careful preparation. As a former military commander, the new President should be well equipped, he ventures, to make a decision which would inspire public confidence.

He asserts that along with this military decision had to be weighed some important political decisions, such as whether the U.N. allies would go along with the U.S. regarding an all-out offensive in Korea, as the French and British had held back of late, with the allies appearing even more anxious than the U.S. to wash their hands of Korea, and whether Moscow might retaliate in another part of the world should such an offensive be started, such as in Iran or intensification of the attack in Indo-China, or both. It was feasible for the Soviets to use troops from the satellite countries in various remote parts of the world where the U.S. could not easily retaliate, assuming that it would do so. Such were the difficult, "almost insoluble problems" which the President-elect faced on his trip to the Orient.

Frederick C. Othman tells of a Congressional committee studying allegedly spicy literature, containing lurid ads. Representative Ezekiel Gathings of Arkansas had grilled the publisher of a book, Love, the Science of Sex-Attraction, which was the subject of one of those ads, available for $1.98, and featuring a woman, "largely nekkid, and some text extolling, for adults only, the virtues" of said book. The Congressman had asked the publisher how many people he had attracted to his "sucker list", to which the publisher responded that he had no sucker list, but that he had sold $400,000 worth of the books. He also said that he was not only not ashamed of the book, but was proud of it providing a service to mankind. He said that the picture in the ad was of a very famous statue.

His elderly lawyer broke in and provided to the committee a number of letters of endorsement of the work, including one from a former Congressman and others from several state and municipal boards of health and welfare for high schools and the like. Of the lawyer, Congressman Gathings then asked whether he had ever sold patent medicine, to which the lawyer responded that he had been in the legal profession for 50 years, prompting the Congressman to say that he had once worked in a drugstore and found endorsements easy to obtain for patent medicines.

Mr. Othman concludes that the publisher had won this round of the hearings and that the next time he obtained a haircut, barbershops being a common locus of display of the spicy books containing the lurid ads, he expected to see a picture of the statue in the latest issue of one of the picture books.

Mr. Othman might have observed that one could receive more prurient stimulation from an average National Geographic—which, incidentally, one could find in the average, well-stocked elementary school library, or even in the average third-grade classroom, as we distinctly recall, or...—than from the drawings in the book which was the subject of the hearing.

Robert C. Ruark indicates that he was glad that President-elect Eisenhower turned some of the issues of money-handling over to women, such as Oveta Hobby, to become the head of the Federal Security Agency, and Ivy Priest, to become the Treasurer of the United States. In fact, he says, he wished that the new President had given all of the big-money jobs to "dames". He suggests it to be a gross libel on women in general to describe them as spendthrift or giddy, that all of the women he had known regarded money which they stewarded as their very own, to be spent sparsely and with great reluctance. It was why they hunted for bargains and why most husbands turned over their paychecks semi-intact. By contrast, he finds, men would over tip and "throw dough around buying drinks for strangers, and bet big to cover his talk", behavior not followed by women.

Men would lend money and be loath to ask for it in return, but if a woman lent a dime, she wanted a dollar in return and on the day specified for payment. Women were also spare tippers. He finds it not a fault, "but a hardheaded realization over the centuries that the mamas make the house go, and generally on a short budget." Women were also typically more hardheaded in their approach to people, not caring whether they bought flattery through tips.

All of which leads him to believe that the country would be better off with females governing thrift, as the Government had been "scattering the shekels with drunken male abandon for a long time." He wants to shop around a bit and drive a few hard bargains, especially abroad. "Maybe a little more female flint in the national bleeding heart would help them, and us." He therefore approves of the appointment of Mrs. Hobby, overseeing the expenditure of about 17 billion dollars for her agency, believes it would set an example for the "men-spenders". She also wore pretty hats and high-style gowns, "but you can bet she never buys the first one the salesgirl shows her."

A letter writer from Lancaster, S.C., as indicated in the above editorial, shows that Drew Pearson had been correct in his Cabinet predictions only to the extent of Arthur Summerfield as Postmaster General, supplying both the predictions and the appointments for each Cabinet post. He concludes that the "well-informed citizen can't afford to miss Pearson's column. There's always something in it that you'll find nowhere else."

A letter writer from Concord finds that there were four basic reasons for General Eisenhower's landslide victory, that an overwhelming majority of the voters had unwavering faith in his ability to obtain the best results from any task which he undertook, the common belief that it was time for a change, the fact of the plans and promises of the Republican Party platform having pleased the voters, and the bolt of several Democratic Governors and Senators in the Southern states. He finds that the Democrats had found it "impossible to compete with the mighty Republican warrior, and thus an Administration that required 20 years to build was crushed in one day."

Dream on…

A letter writer finds that in the new Cabinet, there was not one single Southerner, after the Southern Republicans had split the political solidarity of the section, giving electoral votes to General Eisenhower, while the Southern Republicans remained "a political pariah". Thus, while the one-party South had been broken to an extent in the election, the Cabinet appointments continued to be characterized by sectionalism. He wonders why 11 Southern states were voiceless in the Cabinet of a Republican President, as had been the case for 70 years prior to 1933. He agrees with a statement quoted from Senator Taft in the newspaper on December 2, that the Cabinet was without representation by those millions of Democrats, North and South, who had departed their party to support General Eisenhower, while giving representation to their "most bitter enemies", referring to Mr. Durkin.

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