The Charlotte News
Tuesday, November 11, 1952
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Robert B. Tuckman, that a Chinese infantry and artillery attack lasting five hours, involving 1,500 enemy troops and one of the heaviest artillery barrages of the war, had driven South Korean defenders from the main allied position on "Sniper Ridge" this night, the 13th time U.N. forces had been driven from "Pinpoint Hill" since the battle for the Kumhwa ridges had begun on October 14. Associated Press correspondent John Randolph, reporting from the central front, stated that the Communists had fired 1,000 rounds of mixed mortar and artillery fire during the first few minutes of the hour-long initial artillery barrage. The enemy infantry then launched a three-pronged attack which hit the ridge on the north, east and west. Violent fighting followed in almost pitch darkness under a low cloud cover which limited the effectiveness of U.N. flares. The South Koreans began withdrawing to their base positions, which they had always been able to hold during the twelve previous withdrawals from "Pinpoint". Earlier in the day, U.N. infantrymen had repulsed enemy attacks on the eastern and western ends of the battle line, as well as a company-size attack on "Sniper Ridge". On the western front, allied infantrymen had repulsed a second attack by 350 Chinese troops on "Porkchop Hill", four hours after the enemy had broken through barbed wire and entered U.N. trenches on the hill. U.S. Eighth Army troops had engaged in hand-to-hand midnight fighting to repel enemy troops in the first battle and the second had lasted less than an hour.
The Eighth Army reported that U.N. troops had inflicted 579 casualties in the 14-hour battle on "Anchor Hill" the previous day.
A cold, heavy rain began in the early morning hours and continued through most of the Armistice Day on the Korean front.
In Washington, the war dead were honored on the 34th anniversary of the Armistice ending World War I, an event hardly noticed at the Korean front, as not more than a fourth of the U.S. troops fighting there had been born when the Armistice had been signed. In France, U.S. soldiers joined with the French in joint services in Orleans, Verdun and Nancy. In Germany, troops were urged by their commanding officers to rededicate themselves to the principles for which 126,000 Americans had died in World War I, but Armistice observances were subdued because Germans did not like to be reminded of their defeat in 1918.
General James Van Fleet, Eighth Army commander, announced at Seoul headquarters that two additional divisions of South Korean troops had been activated and soon would be ready for combat, with the addition of six new South Korean infantry regiments activated the prior Saturday, to constitute a combined total increase of 55,000 men in the U.N. forces. He said that the additional forces should enable the South Koreans to take over more of the fighting at the front, though he had no particular assignment in mind for the new troops. He said that it should allow some American divisions presently at the front to be pulled back into reserve. South Koreans presently had the majority of front line assignments. General Van Fleet also said that he believed that the enemy would not launch a major offensive, though they had the capability and had possessed such ability for some time. He said that he believed the reason for the increased attacks against allied positions during the previous three weeks was for continuing training of the enemy army in battle. He indicated that the Eighth Army was in better shape than it had been in a very long time and that the Communist armies were in much worse shape than they had been for some time, that the recent battles for "Sniper Ridge" and "Triangle Hill" had cut the combat efficiency of two Chinese armies in half and diverted Chinese plans for attacks elsewhere. He also said that the Eighth Army would be "delighted and honored" to welcome President-elect Eisenhower to Korea, stating that he had no approximate date of the General's arrival and did not know of the planned route of the General. He said that he had no orders regarding a change of status of his command within 60 days, as had been recently reported in the press.
At the U.N. in New York, British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden set forth four principles for settling the deadlocked prisoner of war issue on voluntary repatriation in the Korean War truce talks, and asked Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky for his acceptance of them, turning down the latter's proposal for a new commission to end the Korean War, for it being of "no help over our present difficulty". The Soviet Foreign Minister the prior day had told the Political Committee of the General Assembly that the Soviets would not budge on the Communist demand that all prisoners be repatriated, regardless of the claimed wishes of many to remain in South Korea. Mr. Eden had said that he was encouraged by Mr. Vishinsky's lack of precision, however, in making his statements on the issue of repatriation by force. The four proposed principles by Mr. Eden included that every prisoner of war had the right, upon the armistice, to be released, that they had the right to be speedily repatriated, that there was a duty on the detaining side to provide facilities for such repatriation, and that the detaining side had no right to use force in connection with the disposal of prisoners, that there was no right either forcibly to detain or forcibly to repatriate. The issue of voluntary repatriation remained the only roadblock, as it had been for many months, to resolution of the truce negotiations.
Secretary-General Trygve Lie resigned his post this date, stating his hope that it would help to "save the peace". He had been intensely disliked by the Russians, with the delegates from Russia referring to him as "the man who thinks he is Secretary-General". He told a reporter this date that he believed his resignation would be accepted and that the Russians would agree to someone else. Mr. Vishinsky said that the Soviets would await the selection of the successor candidates before taking any stand. The leading candidates were Foreign Secretary Lester Pearson of Canada and the Philippines Ambassador to the U.S., Carlos Romulo. Russia had opposed Mr. Pearson in 1945 when Mr. Lie was chosen for the post.
In Augusta, Ga., President-elect Eisenhower and his fiscal advisers were taking a cautious approach to the problem of reducing Federal spending and cutting taxes as soon as possible. Senator Eugene Millikin of Colorado, who would be the chairman of the new Senate Finance Committee in January, said that he would like nothing better than to see taxes reduced, but added that it would be foolhardy to do more than hope until Congress had a chance to see the new budget to be submitted by President Truman in January before the inauguration. The Senator was present to consult with and advise the incoming President. He appeared not to be optimistic about the possibility of large-scale cuts which would open the way for tax reduction. Joseph Dodge, Detroit banker who would represent the President-elect at the Budget Bureau until the inauguration, expressed a similar note of caution, refusing to speculate on what the new Administration might be able to do regarding taxes and spending. General Eisenhower was planning to end his vacation at the Augusta National Golf Club on either Sunday or Monday, and was scheduled to meet at the White House with the President early the following week for a discussion of peace.
Governor Stevenson was planning to take a vacation at an Arizona ranch owned by an old friend, 60 miles south of Tucson, beginning the following day through the weekend.
Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson told Congressional investigators this date that as chief prosecutor of the Nuremberg war crimes tribunal, he had never received American documents blaming Russia for the 1940 Katyn Forest massacre of 15,000 Polish officers and intellectuals in western Russia. A special House committee was investigating whether U.S. officials, in an effort to avoid disruption of wartime relations with the Soviets, had suppressed information regarding the massacre. Justice Jackson said that the tribunal had been reluctant to charge Germans with the massacre, indicating that no usable evidence had been discovered in American possession. He said that he had not learned anything during the trials of reports of three American officers, who had officially told Washington that the Soviets were responsible for the massacre. Upon Russian insistence, evidence regarding the massacre, seeking to blame it on the Nazis, had been received on July 1 and 2, 1946, with each side limited to three witnesses, and the tribunal refusing to hear further evidence, with the matter concluded without convictions on the matter. The committee had reported to Congress that its investigation proved that the Russians were responsible for the massacre. The committee was planning to end its work during the week, but would cooperate with the 83rd Congress to continue the investigation, including that of Communist-claimed American atrocities in Korea.
Three hundred police the previous morning raided seven Kikuyu settlements on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro and Mount Meru, in the first anti-Mau Mau move in Tanganyika. The raid followed high-level conferences in which a blacklist of 78 suspected members of the Mau Mau terrorist group was prepared, and resulted in 120 arrests, of whom 31 were on the list. Expulsion orders against those arrested had been put into force by the Governor of Tanganyika, Sir Edward Twining. A drive, spearheaded by British troops, in neighboring Kenya had also been undertaken recently against the Mau Mau, a black terrorist group dedicated to forcing all whites to leave the British colony.
In Pontiac, Michigan, a 16-year old boy, whose parents had been killed a year earlier in an automobile accident, had prayed that he and his 10 brothers and sisters would be able to remain together, but only he and his 14-year old sister and 13-year old brother had been able to do so, as new foster homes had been found for the remainder of his siblings, assigned to homes over Michigan and Pennsylvania. He and his sister were regarded as too old by the probate judge to be adopted and so remained under the care of the court. They had initially all been allowed to remain under the care of their maternal grandparents, but when the health of the latter failed, other arrangements had to be made. Benefactors across the country had provided $21,000 in donations to the children after the accident.
In Bound Brook, N.J., twice during the previous six months, cars driven by a man had suffered crashes at a particular railroad crossing, the second time, occurring the previous night, each time resulting in demolition of the man's car. The previous night, his car had stalled as it was crossing the tracks and an eastbound train struck it, flipping it onto the westbound tracks, but the driver had jumped to safety prior to the collision.
In Fernandina Beach, Fla., the sheriff and others in the community were wondering what had become of the barefoot hermit of Crane Island, a woman about 70 years old who had packed a pistol to ward off intruders. No trace had been found of her, a native of England, since fire had destroyed her home the prior Friday night. The woman had lived there alone since the beginning of 1924, when her father had died. The sheriff found some charred bones in the smoldering ruins and sent them for analysis. There were also fresh footprints near the house, presumably made by the woman, who never wore shoes. She had lived primitively on the island retreat and rejected modern ways. Once in a while, she would come to town for provisions or to attend to matters concerning her property, but most of the time kept to herself, cultivating a small garden and raising a few animals. She maintained a small arsenal of firearms to keep away uninvited guests. Once, a member of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey sought to land on the island to conduct studies, at which point the woman had taken one of her sidearms and routed the whole group.
In the Eastern half of the nation, there was generally cool weather but some warming appeared on the way. Temperatures early this date were generally 10 to 18 degrees below the previous day along the Ohio and Central Mississippi Valley. In Brownsville, Tex., the high the previous day had been 52, a drop of 33 degrees from the high on Sunday. Warmer weather was reported in the Central Plains states, with readings 15 to 25 degrees above the previous morning. Only light rain was reported in certain areas. The rain caused hunting bans to be removed in certain areas, but remained in effect in Virginia and Oklahoma as a precaution against forest fires.
In Baltimore, confessed former Communist spy and courier Whittaker Chambers had been removed from the critical list following his heart attack at his rural farm in Maryland a week earlier, but remained seriously ill.
Send him another get-well pumpkin.
On the editorial page, "29 Per Cent of the Way" tells of the first-report luncheon of the United Appeal having taken place the previous day, and it having become evident that there had been a heart-warming response to the new unity of the charities, combining their solicitation programs annually under one umbrella organization. With only ten days left in the campaign, the major job remaining, with 29 percent of the $738,000 goal having been raised or pledged, was to provide information and education to the community. To meet the goal would require a lot of hard work. The goals set for Savannah, Ga., and other communities in the region already had been met. It suggests that contributions were up to the conscience of the individual, with the Appeal suggesting donation of one hour of pay per month. The piece believes that to be a reasonable donation and hopes that the community would meet the goal by November 20.
"Philip Murray—Architect of an Era" tells of the president of the CIO and United Steelworkers Union, who had just died of a sudden heart attack, finding his death a grim coincidence in its occurrence within a few days after the defeat of the Democrats, both events marking the end of an era in American politics and the beginning of a new one. During the Roosevelt and Truman Administrations, organized labor had reached its zenith of economic and political power, with labor being a key element in the coalition which FDR had put together to enable the Democrats to win five successive elections. In 1952, the major labor organizations, CIO, AFL and the UMW, had all supported the Democratic ticket of Governor Stevenson.
Mr. Murray had been a key figure in the formation of the CIO, and had organized the Steelworkers, succeeding John L. Lewis as president of the CIO in 1940, holding both posts until his death, thus being one of the most powerful labor leaders in the country's history.
Yet, he and his fellow labor leaders were unable to deliver the rank-and-file vote for the Democrats in the election, and had been unsuccessful in defeating Senator Taft in 1950 in his re-election, following his co-sponsorship of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947, passed over the President's veto. The piece ventures that the reason for these failings was that the workers had become wiser than their leaders believed them to be, beginning to realize that no special interest group could long prosper if it placed its own welfare above that of the nation and that open membership in one or the other of the major political parties was not productive of long-range policy.
It concludes that Mr. Murray would go down in history as one of the more influential men of his generation, but that the fruits of his labor for the working man would be lost if the meaning of the 1952 election was not clear to his successor to the leadership of CIO and the Steelworkers Union.
"Southern Democrats' New Role" indicates that the hardest result of the election for Southern Democrats had been the loss of committee chairmanships. They liked President-elect Eisenhower, but regretted losing their chairmanships. In the Senate of the 82nd Congress, the Southerners had eight of the 15 standing committee chairmanships, and in the House, they had 10 out of 19. Most of the new chairmanships among the Republicans in the 83rd Congress would go to Midwesterners.
It indicates that in the mid-term elections of 1954, it was possible that control of Congress might return to the Democrats, given the narrow margins won by the Republicans in each house. During the two-year interim, it suggests, Southern members could exert influence for the nation's good were they to choose to accept graciously the loss of control. They had been internationalists with respect to foreign policy and conservative on domestic policy, especially with respect to Federal control. Thus, their basic philosophy was more in line with President-elect Eisenhower than many Republican Congressmen, particularly those who would gain control of committees. It was therefore quite possible that after the traditional honeymoon, the new President would need Democratic support to offset the factions among ultra-conservative Republicans. It expresses the hope that the Democrats of the South would fulfill a minority role with distinction.
"Chaim Weizmann—Scientist, Humanitarian" tells of the career of Dr. Weizmann, the first President of Israel, who had died at age 77 two days earlier. He had been born in Russia and fled the ghettos of that country and Poland to immigrate to Great Britain, where he became a naturalized citizen in 1910. There, he steeped himself in science and became one of the world's foremost scientific authorities, while also becoming an advocate for human idealism and maintaining his faith in mankind and the ultimate good in all peoples. That led to his devotion to creation of a national homeland in Palestine for the oppressed Jewish people of the world. Some of his associates often doubted the intentions of the British Government to fulfill the promise of the Balfour Declaration to establish a Jewish homeland, but Dr. Weizmann never lost hope, and in 1948, the new State of Israel was created.
He had made his home at Rehovoth, the center for scientific research in Israel, where agronomists at the Jewish Agency's Agricultural Research Station were developing new plant strains for the low-rainfall areas of the Middle East, and where scientists at the Weizmann Institute of Science were working toward such things as making nylon from castor beans grown in the Negev Desert.
Although he had become nearly blind and was seriously ill by the time he had been re-elected President in November, 1951, he carried on his work and served as a source of inspiration to his people all over the world and to the millions of Christians who had a real interest in the establishment of Israel.
A piece from the Twin City Sentinel of Winston-Salem, titled "What's Happened to Hoppy?" tells of columnist Earl Wilson having recounted that the sponsor of Hopalong Cassidy had provided a smorgasbord for newspaper food editors at the Waldorf recently, and Hopalong had gone from table to table afterward kissing "some of the prettier girls", including Beth Tartan of the Journal and Sentinel. It indicates that there was no argument with Hopalong's taste but questions his breaking with the tradition that cowboys did not kiss the girls, perhaps sending tremors through Hopalong's fans. Apparently realizing the gaffe, Hopalong had said to the editors as he left the dinner that if they told the kids that they saw him, not to tell them it was at the Waldorf, but rather at a "big corral, somewhere". It concludes that after that series of problematic acts, he would never be the same again.
Don't worry, they are all watching "Superman", now. And he never kisses the girls. With X-ray vision, he really doesn't have to.
Drew Pearson tells of Pentagon planners having held several nervous huddles regarding security for President-elect Eisenhower's trip to Korea, realizing that if anything should happen to him, it could prove another Sarajevo—referring to the 1914 assassination of Archduke Ferdinand, leading to the guns of August and World War I. Less than three months earlier, Russian MIG jets based on Tsingtao in North China had shot down a Navy patrol plane while over the Japan Sea on approximately the same route which General Eisenhower's plane would take to Korea. The Russians had MIGs stationed to the north on Sakhalin, well within range of traffic across the Japan Sea, and those planes had been picked up on radar as far as 53 miles inland over northern Japan. The Air Force, therefore, had come up with several means of guarding the General during the trip, carefully patrolling the route with Sabre jets and possibly planning to make the flight at night. Mr. Pearson urges other members of the press to maintain the details of his trip in confidence.
Once in South Korea, the General had promised to ride through the streets of Seoul with President Syngman Rhee, and, with those streets crowded, it would be easy for a North Korean fanatic to make an attempt on the General's life.
He notes that in addition to Archduke Ferdinand's killing having become a casus belli, the 1934 assassinations of King Alexander of Yugoslavia and Foreign Minister Louis Barthou of France, while riding in a parade throughout Marseille, had helped pave the way for World War II.
General Eisenhower was being urged by Bernard Baruch to appoint Charles E. Wilson, former head of G.E., to be the new Secretary of Defense. That placed the General in a tough spot with respect to Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., who had been considered a shoo-in for that post. Mr. Wilson had been Defense Mobilizer until the prior spring, when he resigned after disagreement with the President over increased steel wages to resolve the steel dispute. During World War II he had been chairman of the War Production Board under FDR and had always leaned toward the military when the military wanted to take over civilian controls, going against his chief, Donald Nelson. Some men in business believed that as Secretary of Defense, he would permit the generals to have too much power and that Army and Navy contracts would go completely to big business, with small business squeezed out.
He provides a look at the probable White House staff under President Eisenhower, with Tom Stephens, secretary of the state Republican Party in New York, to be appointed secretary, James Hagerty, to become press secretary, General Wilton Persons, to become legislative liaison, handling contacts with Congress, Robert Cutler, probably to become the adviser on economic matters, Kevin McCann, to become chief speechwriter and responder to correspondence, and Emmet Hughes of Life, to become chief counsel to the President.
Stewart Alsop tells of President-elect Eisenhower's plans for a worry-free post-campaign vacation having been shattered by the virtual paralysis in the Government both during the campaign and in the aftermath of the election, as no one presently in charge had any real authority to make decisions any longer. But decisions which had been delayed pending the outcome of the election urgently needed attention, placing pressure on the President-elect, and Mr. Alsop finds it to his credit that he had responded to that situation instead of allowing the Truman Administration to flounder, as had FDR at the conclusion of the Hoover Administration. The Eisenhower representatives in the State and Defense Departments would, during the transition, occupy the role of advisers to Truman officials, without taking full responsibility for decisions until the point of the inauguration. That would at least restore some sense of direction to the Government.
It was anticipated that the General would name some of his key department heads before he took his visit to Korea as President-elect. The fact had placed the General under great pressure to name those Cabinet representatives early, an unfortunate situation, as that selection process needed to be painstaking and slow to select the best possible people. In the case of the General, he had been so determined to remain a "no deal" candidate that he flatly refused to discuss individual appointments during the course of the campaign. As a result, no one, not even those close to the General during the campaign, had any real idea of his planned appointees. The advisers, however, had clues as to whom he would not appoint, including Governor Dewey, based on personal relations between the two men, and John Foster Dulles, who was believed not to be close enough to the General as normally required for a President and his Secretary of State. The General had been quoted as saying that he did not want a "Wall Street man" in the Treasury and would like a businessman in the Defense Department, which might also provide clues to his appointments for those posts.
The Congressional Quarterly looks at the constituency of the new House, indicates that Southerners of six states would be swept from control of 10 of the 19 committees, with the Midwest replacing the South as the home region of most of the chairmen. Six Central states would control 13 of the 19 committees, with Illinois having five chairmanships. Five other chairmen hailed from the Middle Atlantic states and one came from New England. Twelve of the 19 chairmen would be younger than their predecessors among the Democrats. It provides the list of expected chairmen of House committees and the chairmen or ranking members, in the case of Democratic chairmen who had not sought re-election, whom they would replace.
A letter writer from Forest City refers to a November 5 editorial, "A Tremendous Victory for Eisenhower", from which the writer gleaned that the editors had classified all Democratic accomplishments as "debris". He finds the editorial shortsighted on progress or lacking respect for the accomplishments of the Democrats or the people who received the benefits from their policies. He indicates that the editorial classed the eight-hour workday, Social Security, Federal deposit insurance, and good general living conditions as "debris". He suggests that they go back to the "ox cart" age.
The editors respond that the word "debris" in the editorial had referred to the Democratic coalition, and not to the accomplishments of the Administrations.
A letter writer from Detroit responds to a November 6 editorial, "A Blow below the Belt", wonders whether Del Lazenby, the state Republican publicity man who circulated a letter questioning the Unitarian position on acceptance of Christ as savior, would have shown the same concern about the Unitarian religion of Governor Stevenson had Senator Taft been nominated for the presidency, as his father, President William Howard Taft, had been a Unitarian. She says that she was a Republican and a Baptist.
A letter writer from Belmont finds the way ahead hard to see and that the country would have trouble however it would act, with "greedy politicians" looting the Treasury. He believes that a "leader, not a pleader, not a business index reader" was necessary, "a Wilson or a Lincoln, to do a lot of heavy thinking".
"Lincoln" and "thinking" do not rhyme.
A letter writer enters a protest against "bad winners", indicates that she was on the losing side in the election, and the winners were abusing the leaders of the losing side. She asserts that intolerance on one side created intolerance on the other, that many believed that the New Deal and Fair Deal had made life more worthwhile to many Americans, that some expected Republicans to make mistakes, did not demand perfection, and were willing to have them do better than the Democrats, but wanted Republicans to stop criticizing the past while their leaders acted in the present.
A letter writer indicates that though the newspaper had opposed Governor Stevenson for the presidency, most of the news coverage had been fair. He suggests that no product of the Republican Party could have possibly beaten Governor Stevenson, that the "able conservative Democrats" of the South were being "pulled against and slashed" by such people as John L. Lewis and Senators Hubert Humphrey and Blair Moody, enabling a five-star General who was a national hero to hit the Democratic accomplishments "with a truck loaded with scrap iron and debris".
Two of these writers appear to describe the postwar days of General Patton.
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