The Charlotte News

Thursday, October 2, 1952


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Robert B. Tuckman, that the U.S. Fifth Air Force said this date that one enemy MIG-15 had been shot down and two damaged in a jet battle between two U.S. Sabre jets and four MIGs, southwest of Sinuiju in northwest Korea.

The Air Force announced that allied planes had shot down 107 MIG-15s during the previous three months, including a record 62 in September, and that U.N. losses in the air battles had been seven U.S. F-86 Sabre jets and three F-84 Thunderjets.

In ground fighting, South Korean infantrymen fought to within 50 yards of the top of "Wire Hill" on the east-central front, captured by the Communist Chinese the prior Monday. Late reports indicated that heavy fighting continued. Allied forces defending a hill east of Kumsong on the central front repulsed a heavy predawn attack by 106 Chinese troops, in a 40-minute fight. On the western front, an allied patrol fought its way out of a Chinese trap, inflicting an estimated 30 enemy casualties.

On Cheju Island, U.S. authorities reported that the previous day's rioting of prisoners of war had been a prelude to a planned mass escape of 5,884 Communist Chinese prisoners. The riot had been planned as a signal for the mass escape, but U.S. troops had moved in and broken the back of the revolt. In the resulting gunfire, 56 of the rioting prisoners were killed and more than 100 others injured. The riot had been planned for the third anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist regime, occurring the previous day, the plans for which had been discovered by the commander of the camp on August 24, after which plans were made to stop it. Orders had been given to the troops moving into the camp not to shoot unless attacked. The prisoners had responded with rocks, sharpened tent pole spears, crude knives and barbed wire flails. Some of the prisoners kept coming after they had been shot and had to be shot again before they would stop. At Panmunjom, the truce negotiation site, the Communist delegation protested the incident as a "massacre", in a note delivered to Maj. General William Harrison, the chief U.N. negotiator, by General Nam Il, the lead Communist negotiator. Officials on the island indicated that the compounds were being entered and searched without resistance and the prisoners were obeying all orders, the situation having been stabilized. A spokesman for the prisoner of war command said that teargas had not been used to quell the riot as wind conditions had not been favorable for it.

General Eisenhower, campaigning at Champaign, Ill., declared this date that there was "no sense" in the U.S. bearing the brunt of the Korean War when the South Koreans could be trained to defend themselves, that the job of manning the front lines was for the Koreans. He further stated that the country did not want Asia to believe that the white man of the West was their enemy and that if there had to be a war there, the Asians should be fighting the Asians, with Western support on the side of freedom. He also indicated that the first two world wars and the Korean War might "easily have been avoided", had there been greater precautions taken to strengthen the U.S. militarily. He blamed a lack of leadership for the wars and said that the people needed to decide whether it was time for a change. He said that the country should lead the world into a collective security which could defy Communism "confidently and without war", while making certain that there was no subversion or disloyalty within the U.S. government. At Decatur, Ill., he stated that a Republican administration would be known as one which brought the people justice and fair play, and would do what was best for all of the people and not for special groups. He also criticized the Administration regarding corruption, saying that it would harm the nation's prestige abroad. He again referred to a "series of failures" which had led to both world wars and the Korean War, again laying it at the doorstep of lack of Democratic leadership, though never referring to the President by name.

He appears to have omitted the fact that it was President Harding and the Republican Congress which refused to have the U.S. join the League of Nations, as had been urged by President Wilson in his Fourteen Points, thereby foredooming that organization to toothless status, unable to control the repeated treaty violations, which went unchecked during the 1920s and subsequently, by Germany and Japan in their steady build-up of a war machine. He also appears to have omitted the Depression of President Hoover, resulting from the laissez-faire economic policies of the 1920s under Republican rule, and its redounding effect on Europe, enabling Nazism and Fascism to thrive among the hungry, already humiliated by the loss of World War I and the consequent emasculation resulting from complete disarmament. But those things are just trifles, when compared to the lack of Democratic "leadership".

Governor Stevenson was overhauling his radio and television speaking plans to make room for at least four additional "fireside chats". George Ball, a Washington lawyer who was executive director for the Volunteers for Stevenson—and subsequently would serve prominently in the Kennedy Administration—, distributed a plan which the Republicans had adopted to present General Eisenhower hourly on radio and television stations in 49 normally Democratic counties across twelve states. Mr. Ball said the air would be "thick with political soap suds and gooey with tasteless bubblegum" from a "super-colossal, multi-million-dollar production" designed to sell candidates like soap or hair tonic. The Governor had delivered his first fireside chat from Chicago the previous Monday, and wished to respond to the Eisenhower soap suds with more of those chats. He allowed State employees an extra hour off for lunch this date, in case any wished to attend the Eisenhower rally in downtown Springfield. General Eisenhower had politely turned down the Governor's polite invitation to have lunch with him at the Executive Mansion.

Well, just be that way, snooty. Too busy selling soap, probably.

Senator Tom Connally of Texas, who was retiring from the Senate, said that he would support Governor Stevenson for the presidency and would very likely campaign for him in Texas. He predicted that the ticket would win in that state, despite the opposition of Governor Allan Shivers, who, along with Senator Connally's successor-nominate, Price Daniel, the State Attorney General, had endorsed General Eisenhower. General Eisenhower would win the state.

The President, continuing his whistle-stop tour from North Dakota, Montana and Idaho into Washington, spoke at Spokane the previous night, indicating that he was sorry to see the "abject surrender" by General Eisenhower "to the reactionary, vindictive wing of the Old Guard". Part of this speech was delayed by yells, whistles and cries of "give 'em hell, Harry" and "pour it on". He parodied the "I like Ike" slogan with a refrain indicating, "I like Ike, but—" He drew laughter when he called it a "damn lie" that taxes could be reduced by slashing government expenditures for national defense, as General Eisenhower and other Republicans had been contending. He also said it was "the craziest thing I ever heard of" to have a fixed limit on spending for defense. His estimated crowd in the National Guard Armory was 4,000, with 1,500 others outside unable to obtain entrance, after some 10,000 had applauded and waved as his motorcade drove eight blocks from the train station to the Armory. The President told reporters aboard the train that he was having the time of his life, and appeared to be enjoying himself as he walked, smiling, among the reporters. At Troy, Montana, he had called the Republicans the "generals' own party", saying that they had General Motors, General Electric, General Foods, General MacArthur and General Martin, a reference to Senator Martin of Pennsylvania, General Wedemeyer, and "their own five-star general who is running for president, and I understand he will carry some other generals around with him to give him a hand in the political campaign." He added that every general of whom he knew was on the list, except general welfare, which was ranked in with the "corporals and privates in the Democratic Party". He said that if all the generals voted for General Eisenhower and all the privates, for Governor Stevenson, the results would be obvious.

The Republicans were sending out a "truth squad" of Senators to engage in a verbal battle with the President during his whistle-stop tour. RNC chairman Arthur Summerfield stated that the President was lowering his high office "to the role of hatchet operations, dealing in distortions, irresponsible slanders, and, I regret to say, political prevarications", such that it was time for the Republicans to act. They were planning to roll out Senators Eugene Millikin of Colorado, Bourke Hickenlooper of Iowa, Homer Ferguson of Michigan and Francis Case of South Dakota.

What? Where is Senator McCarthy, the very living personification of Truth and Dignity?

In Moscow, Prime Minister Joseph Stalin, in a 50-page article for the Communist Party magazine, Bolshevik, on the eve of the Communist Party Congress, scheduled to open the following Sunday, said this date that a war between the capitalistic countries was more probable than a war between capitalistic and socialistic countries. He corrected "certain comrades" who had been arguing that since World War II, the prospect of war between the capitalist countries had ceased to be inevitable. His statements that a war between the capitalistic and socialistic countries was not likely appeared to contradict a statement which he had made in 1927 to an American workers' delegation visiting Moscow, that such a war was inevitable to settle the world conflict between the two competing systems. That statement, following the Leninist principle, had often been repeated in the Soviet press in recent times. The Prime Minister had told Pravda on February 16, 1951, that a new world war could not be considered inevitable for the time being, but went on then to criticize the U.N. for its action in Korea.

In New York, the engine of a crowded Pennsylvania Railroad commuter train, normally carrying between 850 and 1,000 commuters, caught fire in a tunnel under the Hudson River this date and hundreds of commuters were made ill by acrid smoke which billowed through the three-mile long tube. Initial reports said that three passengers and three members of the crew of the train had been taken to Pennsylvania Station medical offices for inhalator treatment.

In Hong Kong, a man without a passport this date began his third week as an unwilling passenger on a Hong Kong to Macau ferry, and the end of his endless travail was not in sight. He appeared to be doomed to ride the high seas, as the Flying Dutchman, unto eternity. He had boarded the ferry at Macau on September 18, but Hong Kong authorities would not allow him to land because his papers were not in order, and so he returned to Macau, which could not fix his papers, sending him back toward Hong Kong. The ferry company wanted to be rid of him, as he had never paid a fare, but could not throw him overboard. He had sneaked aboard the ferry initially and had been paying nothing for his roundtrips, though had enough money to pay for his meals for the time being. He said that he was an American, but the American consulate general said that he was not. He claimed that his name was M. P. O'Brien, but friends said that the surname was actually a contraction for his real Hungarian name, and that he had been known for a time in Shanghai as an "unrecognized American" who once held American papers but had lost them. The State Department told consular officers that he had been in Shanghai for several years under several aliases. He had left Shanghai in September with Communist permission, and the Portuguese had allowed him to enter Macau on condition that he would leave within a week. Police said that he would enter dry dock with the ferry unless he obtained a better set of papers, but they had no suggestions on how he might go about doing that. The piece concludes that Mr. O'Brien could not be reached for comment, as he was at sea.

As we said, fight the fare increase...

UNC had been forced to cancel its next two football games, one at the University of Georgia in Athens and the other at N.C. State in Raleigh, because four students had been afflicted with polio, one of whom was fullback Harold Davidson. Frankly, it was just as well, as they weren't doing too hot, having lost their opener to Texas 28 to 7 the prior Saturday—and it was destined to go downhill from there.

We rather like the current edition, even if their record does not yet reflect their strength shown on the field, especially last Saturday against Clemson. The national sports press needs to take their collective heads out of places wherein they should not be, and realize that it was not Clemson's bad play but UNC's good play which resulted in the final score, a one-point loss to the number one team, who may yet have to face UNC again in Charlotte at the end of the year. We shall see. We make no predictions. We know that they have three losses in five games, the losses decided by a total of ten points and each going down to the last minute or less, but they have also played one of the tougher schedules thus far in the country, a schedule which will become considerably easier, for the most part, the rest of the way. At least, there was no "off-side" on-side kick on Saturday, as that which was robbed of UNC in 2015 in the ACC championship game against Clemson. And there was no pizza.

We are glad that no games have to be postponed anymore because of polio.

And, yeah, we know. Their only two wins in 1952 were against South Carolina and Miami, the two teams UNC has beaten thus far this year. But let's not get carried away with ominous readings from 67 years ago. While what's past is prologue, we rather think that the past which is the prologue within your and our discharge, in this instance, is more akin to those teams of 1934-39, 1946-48, 1963, 1971-72, 1976-77, 1980-82, 1992-93, 1996-97 and 2015, for instance.

Alright, you in the back, smart mouth. Yeah, you. That's right. If you haven't anything more to say than that, you can just get up and leave, right now. Go on, get out. Just not going to tolerate that kind of... No.

The newspaper prints some more excerpts of entries to the contest for the two $25 bonds, one for a student and one for an adult, for the best two letters regarding why it was important to register and vote. Hurry up, as your entries must be postmarked by midnight Saturday. Surely someone, other than the letter writers, is going to talk about Dick. If you are not going to talk about Dick, at least talk about the little dog Dixie.

On the editorial page, "No Political Issue Here" finds it fortunate that the political issue regarding the off-hand statement by General Walter Bedell Smith, director of the CIA, that he believed there were Communists in every Government agency, including the CIA, had died aborning. General Smith had made the statement in the context of a deposition in the libel action filed by Senator Joseph McCarthy against Senator William Benton, after having been asked whether he believed that there were Communists in the State Department in 1947, stating that he did and that he believed there were Communists even within the CIA, but that he did not know who they were. He went on to say that the Communists were so "adroit and adept" that they had infiltrated nearly every security agency of the Government.

When the statement hit the wire services, RNC chairman Arthur Summerfield initially issued a statement saying, "shocking revelation … incredible looseness". Indications were that General Eisenhower's campaign headquarters would make an issue of the matter.

But General Smith then read a statement to both General Eisenhower and Governor Stevenson clarifying what he meant, indicating that his agency would be "foolishly complacent" and "criminally negligent" if it did not act on the assumption that "it would be penetrated at some time, somewhere along the line". He said that the CIA had never found a Communist within its ranks and that they had been pretty thoroughly eradicated from within the Government, but that it did not end the need for continued apprehension and vigilance. After that statement, both political headquarters indicated that they would not make anything of the issue.

The piece agrees with the campaigns for not doing so, as it was important for all of the security agencies to do as General Smith had indicated, acting on the assumption that Communists could infiltrate those agencies and remaining vigilant to ensure they did not. It indicates that the CIA had been created with bipartisan support and had the confidence of both parties and the people, and that for either side to make a political issue out of such an off-hand remark by its director after he had clarified his meaning, would be "a grave disservice to the nation and its security."

"The Role of the Citizen in Politics" tells of the address by General Eisenhower at Columbia earlier in the week having sought to exploit a statement of Governor Stevenson that it was the fault of "you the people" that the nation was beset with a great many major problems. The quote had been taken out of context. The Governor had stated in Los Angeles that politics, according to Andrew Oliver 150 years earlier, was "the most hazardous of all professions, yet still the noblest career any man can choose." The Governor had gone on to say that he agreed with the "hazardous" part of the quote but wondered about the reference to nobility, that "politics" and "politicians" had become words of disrepute and of abuse, even epithets. He found it paradoxical and sad in a republic governed by the governed.

The Governor indicated that Bernard Shaw had said that democracy was a device which ensured that the people would be governed no better than they deserved, and then asked whose fault it was when the people got the government they deserved, with honor and nobility in politics at most levels becoming empty phrases. He answered that question by saying "it is the fault of you the people" by failing to vote for favorite candidates. He urged the people to look at all the parts of government, local, state, and national, and to exercise their franchise so as to get better people in government.

The piece indicates that it doubts that the General would disagree with those points of the Governor, despite the distortion of the Governor's words by the General in his Columbia speech. It quotes from the General's speech in Abilene, Kansas, shortly after his return to the U.S. in early June after resigning as NATO supreme commander, urging practice of citizenship to ensure survival of the two-party system and careful selection of all officials of the government, from the local officials on up. He indicated that corruption was more likely when people did not bother to vote or cast their votes wisely. He urged that when every citizen was a politician in that sense, "politics will be the noblest of professions—and the most productive for the common good."

It concludes that the General and the Governor appeared to view the topic the same way, notwithstanding the General's quote out of context in the Columbia speech.

Isn't that why they came to call him "old bubblehead"?

"Revolution" tells of the Manchester Guardian a few days earlier having put news on the front page for the first time, having theretofore maintained the custom of dignified British journalism by relegating news to the inside pages, with the front page bearing small ads about country homes for rent, proper boys' schools or a short "In Memoriam" poem about a departed loved one. No longer was page two for the placement of major news stories. The Guardian had been forced by competition from the Daily Mail, Express and Mirror to give in to placing headlines and stories on the front page. Only the London Times continued to uphold the old custom.

It indicates that journalism was on the march and it would not be surprised if the London Times or the New York Times started to carry "Superman".

A piece from the Cairo Akhbar Elyeum, titled "The Egyptian Revolution", tells of the revolution having its own philosophy and message, having been initiated by the Army in the name of the people against tyranny and corruption, having destroyed "the ramparts of corruption to build a stronghold of reform and justice on their site."

Former titles used to address premiers and pashas, as well as boys, connoting ownership of one sort or another, had been abolished because every citizen was entitled to feel that the state belonged to them and also entitled to happiness, pride and contentment. It was the same philosophy which led to the movement to narrow the gap between the haves and have-nots. The state was now owned by everyone, and so it urges preservation of the streets, buildings, and factories, as, in so doing, they were preserving themselves. "Let us cut off any hand that seeks to ravish them, for such hands seek to stab every Egyptian. Egypt expects each Egyptian to do his duty."

Well, now, that cutting off of hands business, assuming you mean literally corporal punishment, does not connote to the West a very progressive outlook.

Drew Pearson tells of General Eisenhower having spent two days in a New York film studio recording the radio and television spots to be aired during the latter part of the campaign, though the Republican high command was undecided on how to use them and how to raise the money to purchase the broadcast time for the spots, consisting of prerecorded questions of ordinary voters, to which the General would record responses as if making the responses directly to the questioner in the studio. They were to be broadcast in target markets where the President had won by only narrow margins in 1948.

A tugboat operator in New York had offered to raise between $600,000 and $800,000 for the purpose, but others were skeptical of allowing local leadership in the campaign. Winthrop Aldrich, head of Chase National Bank and brother-in-law of John D. Rockefeller, was afraid that the tugboat operator's money-raising effort would conflict with local money-raising, fearing that he would tap the same people whom local leaders would need to tap. Others in the campaign agreed and indicated that even if the national ticket lost, Republican organizations at the local level had to remain strong and the local tickets elected. Jock Whitney, who had once served in FDR's Administration and had married James Roosevelt's former wife, took the opposite view, indicating that nothing was more important than raising money for the broadcast time.

Mr. Pearson notes that presiding over the finance meeting was Sidney Weinberg, head of Goldman-Sachs, who was born in Russia, raised in Brooklyn, and a director of numerous corporations. He had gotten to know General Lucius Clay during the war and later got General Clay a job with Continental Can, and General Clay had gotten Mr. Weinberg on the Eisenhower bandwagon.

"Dynamic Dick", the Republican vice-presidential candidate, could, the column suggests, rub newspaper editors and publishers the wrong way, as he had in a press conference with top editors at Oklahoma City the previous week, when the Senator declined to answer questions. Wheeler Mayo, publisher of the Sallisaw Times and Claremore Daily Progress, said that never in his 20 years of owning and operating newspapers or as past president of the Oklahoma Press Association had he seen the kind of snubbing which the Senator had given the press. Mr. Mayo said that the editors had been invited for the specific purpose of a question and answer conference, only to witness a "15-minute glamour-boy show in which Nixon acted three parts—his own moderator, interrogator and the answerer of his own questions." He said that the Senator looked silly after his Democratic counterpart, Senator John Sparkman, had engaged in give-and-take with the editors the previous day.

Mr. Pearson notes that most newsmen and the public wanted Senator Nixon to explain how he paid $20,000 down on his Washington house, while also purchasing a house in Whittier, California, after his wife, Pat, had written in the Saturday Evening Post that they sometimes did not have enough money to purchase postage.

Well, they had to feed Dixie.

Mr. Pearson suggests that General Eisenhower's press secretary during the campaign, James Hagerty, one of the best in the business, might be eased out, as John Foster Dulles, a good friend of both the General and Governor Dewey, had contacted Governor Dewey regarding the problem. Mr. Hagerty had been a veteran of several presidential campaigns after having been the right-hand man to Governor Dewey, and was popular with newsmen. But his handicap was that the General did not know him well and he did not feel comfortable with people he had not known for a long time. Mr. Hagerty could not access the General with important questions which needed to be answered for the press without delay, as the friends of the General maintained a tight wall around him. He indicates that it was likely that Maj. General Wilton Persons, an old friend of the General, would take Mr. Hagerty's place.

Mr. Hagerty would remain and go on to be the General's regular press secretary in the White House.

Marquis Childs discusses the speech of the previous week by Senator Nixon regarding his expense fund, the pros and cons of which, he suggests, would be argued until the election, with debate in California ongoing as to whether he was sincere or insincere, corny or full of natural emotion. One of the chief reasons for giving him the second spot on the ticket had been the prospect of attracting the 32 electoral votes from California. The Democrats were now going to exploit the controversy surrounding the fund, in the hope of neutralizing the Senator's electoral impact.

One of the persons listed as a contributor to the expense fund was Joe Crail, listed only as a Los Angeles lawyer, but who was also the president of the Coast Federal Savings and Loan Association and one of the leaders in the fight to kill public housing proposed for Los Angeles, having been, along with two other contributors to the fund, a member of the Committee against Socialist Housing. Mr. Crail's company sponsored an ad asking California voters the previous June to "defeat $110 million Socialist housing scheme!" carrying with it statistics purporting to show that there had been crime increases by 96 percent in public housing projects, compared to housing developments operated privately.

Mayor Fletcher Bowron and other Republicans in Los Angeles had been working for the public housing to be built with Federal assistance. Senator Nixon, prior to the Republican convention, along with Senator William Knowland of California, had introduced an amendment to cancel the allocation to Los Angeles despite its rapidly growing population. The measure was defeated but passed on a second try, containing then a provision that the city would have to repay the Federal Government 13 million dollars already expended before the project could be canceled. In response to that position, the Los Angeles Daily News, which had supported Senator Nixon in 1950 in his run for the Senate, published an editorial in which it accused the Senator of either not knowing the facts or deliberately accepting the "fairy tale argument" of the real estate lobby. It indicated that after nominating General Eisenhower as the representative of the "liberal Republican element", the convention had "tied a millstone around his neck" in the person of Senator Nixon.

The Democrats were planning to use the Senator's opposition to public housing, as well as his opposition to virtually every other measure which touched large masses of people. California voters were much more sensitive to the issue of the expense fund because of the controversy surrounding public housing. Many of the contributors to the fund had become bitter critics of Governor Earl Warren in recent years, contending that he had proposed a New Deal-type socialistic statewide contributory health insurance. They opposed the Governor in his bid for the Republican presidential nomination and welcomed Senator Nixon's successful effort to lead the California delegation into the Eisenhower camp. The Governor was said to be taking a passive role in the current campaign and it was no secret that he disapproved of many aspects of Senator Nixon's campaign for the Senate two years earlier, when the racial issue became an underground phase of the savage attack launched against Democratic nominee for the Senate seat, former Congresswoman Helen Gahagan Douglas.

Robert C. Ruark indicates that he was pulling for the Yankees in the World Series against the Brooklyn Dodgers, if only out of habit. In recent years, he indicates, he had come to rely on them as an extra source of income from arrogant National League supporters with more money than brains, which, he indicates, was easy to do in support of the National League, especially if one were a New York Giants fan.

He did not expect that the Yankees would win the pennant in 1952 so decisively, as all they had were three real pitchers, one of whom had arm trouble and was out half the season. The regular hitters had not had high batting averages and there had been a problem at nearly every position. The team had not had a regular first baseman in years or a regular outfield, or a regular at any position, other than Yogi Berra at catcher and Phil Rizzuto at shortstop. With others not hitting so well, Billy Martin had shown surprising strength at the plate and had won the pennant for the Yankees the prior Friday night with a two-out single. John Mize, filling in at first base, continued to hit when the team needed it. Mr. Berra had carried the team at the plate for over two-thirds of the season, hitting 30 home runs and providing numerous RBI's, while posting only a middling batting average. Mickey Mantle had matured in centerfield and had settled into becoming a regular hitter by the end of the season, such that he would likely make a career of leading the league in nearly everything. Pitchers who were unknown had won games for the team, such as the aging John Sain, who was a regular reliever.

The Boston Red Sox had folded and faded in the last part of the season, as they always did, but the Cleveland Indians had made it a race all the way, with three pitchers with more than 20 wins each and respectable hitting.

He concludes that the National League must have many good players, as its castoffs had become Yankees who had played well.

In this date's second game of the World Series at Ebbets Field in Brooklyn, the Yankees would knot the Series at one game apiece by beating the Dodgers 7 to 1.

A letter writer from Davidson asks another letter writer who had criticized Senator Nixon regarding his expense account whether or not he was married and understood marriage vows. She thinks that anyone providing an accounting during a marriage, as had the Senator, would not leave out his wife. She says that Mrs. Nixon would undoubtedly vote for General Eisenhower and the Senator, whereas Governor Stevenson's divorced wife had said that she would not vote for him.

There you go, hitting below the belt, just like some dumb, unquestioning Republican ready to cast a vote for Tricky Dick.

She goes on to inquire whether the previous writer was "the kind of Democrat who would vote for Joe Stalin just because he was on the Democratic ticket".

Well, last we looked, he isn't, and so what in the hell is your point? You must have gone out drinking with Clare "No Plan, No Plan, No Plan" Boothe Luce.

A letter writer from Pinehurst thinks that too many of General Eisenhower's speeches, particularly his whistle-stop speeches, were based on emotion rather than reason in a campaign where emotion was running rampant. He quotes Dana Smith, the organizer of the expense fund for Senator Nixon, as quoted in the column the previous week, that the Senator had done what the contributors to the fund wanted him to do, as Senator Knowland was almost unknown and Governor Warren had too much of a "social point of view" for the people behind Senator Nixon.

The writer wonders what the Senator had done for them, citing the Congressional Record for his votes as a Congressman to cut revenues by cutting income taxes, for Taft-Hartley, for exemption of the railroads from the antitrust laws, for prevention of the extension of coverage of Social Security, for a cut of foreign aid by 55 million dollars, for an exemption for gas producers from Federal regulation, against abolition of the poll tax, for an end to Federal rent control in 1950, against Federal slum clearance, low-rent and cooperative housing, and against 60 million dollars in aid to Korea in 1950, prior to the start of the war.

While a Senator, he had been for cutting public housing from 50,000 to 5,000 units, was against restricting black markets, against higher taxes on excess profits, for cutting 100 million dollars from soil conservation, for ending all price and wage controls in 1952, for state ownership of tidelands oil, for the restrictive McCarran Immigration Act, and against the St. Lawrence Seaway. He had also voted against a third of the foreign affairs bills in the Senate. The writer urges analyzing those votes through the lens of asking whether they would displease the wealthy, conservative men who had contributed to Senator Nixon's expense fund and whether his voting record explained Mr. Smith's statement that they were pleased with the Senator's voting record. He also wonders whether the donors would have contributed to the fund had his voting record been unfavorable to their interests.

A letter writer, chairman of the local Citizens for Eisenhower, expresses his appreciation to the newspaper for its coverage of the visit to Charlotte the prior Friday by General Eisenhower, indicating that the General and his wife, Mamie, had expressed to him their thanks for the efficiency of the planning organization and to the citizens for their welcome.

Anyone carry a sign, saying, "Donate here to help Poor Richard"?

We are still wondering, incidentally, why the Life editors cropped the word "Bend" from the billboard's phrase "South Bend Likes Ike". Maybe it inadvertently was tucked in the centerfold—or, they were appealing again to the functional illiterates who liked to look at all the pitchers.

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