The Charlotte News

Saturday, May 12, 1951

TWO EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Olen Clements, that American troops had battled in vain for six hours this date in an effort to break up a three-mile wide Communist bridgehead east of Chunchon, extending out of the enemy buildup in central Korea. The enemy covered their preparations with a smokescreen from fired timber and smudge pots. The preparations appeared to be aimed from two directions at Seoul. Other enemy buildups were observed in the vicinity of the east end of the Hwachon Reservoir, and between Munsan and Chunchon.

U.N. officers believed that the Communists were preparing for a renewed spring offensive in the coming two weeks.

Secretary of Defense Marshall testified again before the joint Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations Committees, saying that he operated on the assumption that Russia might become aggressive at any moment. He said that the risk of provoking the Russians into war was greater in the Far East than in Europe.

On the prior Monday or Tuesday, the U.S. had tested successfully another atom bomb on Eniwetok Atoll in the Pacific, emphasizing for the first time defense against the atom bomb in "Operation Greenhouse". The bomb was used against constructed targets to test durability of building materials and design. Congressman Henry Jackson of Washington had attended the test and first reported of it.

The Office of Price Stabilization cut about twelve cents off the price of chuck steaks and pot roasts and five to six cents off rump roasts.

The national commander of the American Legion, Eric Cocke, Jr., assailed the Administration's foreign policy and called for an immediate all-out effort by America to win the Korean war. He said it was the first time the country had gone into a war afraid to make the enemy mad.

Congressman O. K. Armstrong of Missouri urged the RNC to get behind the program advocated by General MacArthur to achieve victory in Korea. He favored a party slogan: "Tired of war? Vote Republican!"

In Rochester, N.Y., a minister was convicted of first degree murder for the fatal shooting of his wife and faced the death penalty. The jury made no recommendation of mercy. He had been convicted of second degree murder in December, 1949 and was sentenced to 50 years to life in prison, but then filed a successful appeal which led to the second trial.

In 1952, the minister would also have his second conviction reversed on appeal for impermissible comment by the prosecutor on his failure to testify and on the defendant's character regarding religious vacillation when the defendant had not placed his character in issue. He would again be tried for first degree murder in 1953, this time found guilty, as in the first trial, of only second degree murder and sentenced to forty years to life in prison.

In 1959, he would raise by habeas corpus petition a claim of double jeopardy pursuant to the U.S. Supreme Court case of Green v. U.S., which had held in 1957, subsequent to the third conviction, that in a Federal criminal case, double jeopardy prevented a subsequent reprosecution for first degree murder when the defendant was found guilty of second degree murder and the conviction reversed on appeal. He claimed therefore that the holding prevented his 1951 and 1953 reprosecutions for first degree murder because of the original conviction in 1949 only for second degree murder. The New York Appellate Division, the intermediate appellate court, held, however, that since the Supreme Court had not extended double jeopardy under the Fifth Amendment to the states, the Green holding was not binding on New York, which followed a different rule, that New York's double jeopardy provision was not infringed by such a subsequent retrial for first degree murder after reversal of a second degree murder conviction, as the appellate reversal worked to render the earlier trial a nullity under State law. The Court also ruled that, in any event, the appellant had waived the defense of double jeopardy for not having raised it at the two subsequent trials, though he had in his third direct appeal. It also pointed out that the third conviction was for second degree murder on which he had never been acquitted. His third conviction was thus affirmed.

In 1965, however, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit reversed the third conviction, holding that the reprosecution for first degree murder did infringe the Fourteenth Amendment Due Process clause for it being fundamentally unfair under double jeopardy considerations and because it was reasonably probable that the defendant was prejudiced by being tried the third time for first degree murder, even though he was found guilty only of second degree murder. The Court also found that the defendant had raised the double jeopardy contention at the prior two trials and thus had not waived it. Rather than go through a fourth trial, the State chose to allow the defendant to enter a plea of guilty to manslaughter in 1966, on a sentence of credit for time served. He then became a monk.

In Benton, Tenn., the head of the Democratic Party in Polk County was murdered the previous night by gunfire amid political strife in the county, which had no functioning government for the previous three months. The same county had undergone factional blood-letting in 1948 between the Good Government League, formed by a group of veterans, and the traditional Democratic organization.

In Warner Robins, Ga., two white soldier-prisoners who were unarmed and handcuffed together were slain the previous night by a police chief, who claimed that the two prisoners had jumped him while he was driving and yelled "get his gun and kill him." A coroner's jury determined that he acted in self-defense. The soldiers were arrested for being AWOL and the chief was driving them to Robins Air Force base at the time of the incident. The shooting was being investigated closely because the men were unarmed and handcuffed and one had a cast on one leg.

In Hollywood, the wife of actor James Stewart gave birth to twin girls and all were doing fine.

Harvey was in another room resting.

Two books by former News writers are reviewed on the book page, one by former editor and associate editor Burke Davis, The Ragged Ones, and the other on the Barrymores by former book-page editor Cameron Shipp, turned Hollywood publicity agent.

On the editorial page, "The Recovery of France", a by-lined piece by News publisher Thomas L. Robinson, tells of Barry Bingham, recently returned chief of the ERP mission in France, seeking to correct misimpressions held by Americans about France, that it was ungrateful for American aid and and that Communists completely dominated the country, enslaved to defeatism. Mr. Bingham, the editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal, had written a piece in the May Atlantic Monthly, titled "The Case for France".

He said that while the Communist Party was the largest single party in the country, it had but 30 percent of the seats in the National Assembly and its power had diminished rapidly since 1947.

The country's industry was producing 30 percent more than in prewar years, with coal and steel at the highest levels ever achieved except in 1929. Agricultural production had risen six percent since the war, making the country self-sustaining in food, even able to export some foodstuffs.

The largest employer was the cotton textile industry, obtaining 80 percent of its cotton through ERP credits.

Mr. Bingham, in addressing the complaint of ingratitude for the two billion dollars in American aid, explained that the true Frenchman was leery of enthusiasm by nature and every Frenchman had paid the full value in francs for anything received from America. The francs received went into a fund which corresponded to the dollars earmarked for ERP aid to France, a large part of which was being used to build public works to advance France three generations in three years, rebuilding the railway system, harbor installations, important dams and constructing thermal plants and developing more electric power.

ERP received as many as four thousand letters a week from the French praising the work of the Marshall Plan.

The French tax system was not at all equitable, placing too much burden on the middle and lower classes. Yet, the Government collected 30 percent of its total national income in 1950 from taxes while the U.S. got 26 percent.

Mr. Bingham also found the people to be far from defeated in spirit, a rumor spread by Parliament and the French press. The country had pledged ten combat divisions by the end of the year to support of NATO, fifteen by the end of 1952 and twenty in 1953. He assured that France would play its full part in fighting the Soviets, provided there was sufficient time to receive adequate arms, genuine development of a Western defense force, and assurance of American support on the ground and in the air.

The dollar gap had been reduced from a billion in 1948 to 150 million, a yardstick of progress. Mr. Bingham therefore pleaded with Americans to help further by purchasing French products. It was also necessary to help France recover from its chief affliction, lack of confidence in itself. To restore that national pride, America needed to show its faith in the French and make them strong partners into the future.

"'Momism' and Mother's Day", on the eve of Mother's Day, tells of novelist-essayist Philip Wylie being convinced that the country was too much concerned with "Mom", which he dubbed "Momism". While he had a point, the piece thinks he was overdoing it as the modern mom sought neither worship nor awe, preparing her children for the world through counsel and affection, protective without smothering. She also worked in civic organizations to make the world better.

Drew Pearson discusses four cases of "pussyfooting" by allies during the prior twenty years, in the context of delay by allies in effecting an arms embargo on Communist China. But General MacArthur, who had controlled all Japanese exports, had also allowed some strategic materials to go to Communist China from Japan. Between July and October, 1950, after the war in Korea had begun, he permitted 8.1 million dollars worth of metals, machinery and textiles to leave Japan for China, and from October to January, such exports increased to 11.1 million dollars.

But the worst scandal was the flow of British goods to China from Hong Kong, making overnight millionaires in Britain. The British had blocked the actual flow of arms to China but it was strategic materials which really counted.

Radio station WABF in New York had won the first Peabody award for an FM station, for its good music.

Jake Spolansky's new book, The Communist Trail in America, was worth reading.

Senator John Butler of Maryland was trying to break free of those who elected him the prior fall, as shown by his replacement of a Washington Times-Herald editorial writer as his administrative assistant, originally appointed at the behest of the Chicago Tribune.

He predicts that the anti-Communist electrical union led by Jim Carey would win a big victory among the workers the following week at Emerson Radio Corp. in Jersey City.

Marquis Childs discusses the frustration of the American people with the high burden being carried by the U.S. in Korea, as being investigated by the joint Senate committees. Senator Alexander Wiley of Wisconsin had estimated that 350,000 Americans were involved in Korea—but that figure turned out to include South Korean troops and the figure was probably closer to 250,000. The other 13 nations in the U.N. coalition had contributed about 50,000 troops. Canada was about to send another 6,000 but no other nation appeared to be ready to send any other additional troops.

The French had about 150,000 of their best troops fighting in Indo-China and the British had 17,000 troops in Malaya, trying in the latter case to protect the rubber plantations from guerrilla action. But as a part of that rubber had been exported to Russia and Communist China, that action did not count as much of a contribution to the anti-Communist picture.

When the South Korean Sixth Division had fled in a rout from the latest Communist offensive, threatening the position of two U.S. divisions, three British battalions stepped up and saved the day, one of the battalions losing all save 45 of its 600 men. Not much about it had been reported in U.S. newspapers but Mr. Childs bets that such valor was reported in the British press.

Robert C. Ruark, in Miami, tells of Florida being a state which had spawned interesting legislation, such as a bill to regulate as an alcoholic beverage Hadacol, the new "fountain of youth" panacea. Another bill protected grocers from fraud and another banned wearing of masks, except theatrical masks, by anyone over age 16 in public places, designed to inhibit the Klan. Governor Fuller Warren, who was said not to have reported $400,000 in campaign contributions, had signed a bill to enable a loser at gambling to sue the bookie or gambling establishment for double his losses, with half the award going to the State.

Every time one rode down a road, an "under construction" sign appeared, beside another reading, "A Sign of Progress Under Gov. Fuller Warren". But the people who wanted him impeached were of a mind that progress could be carried too far.

Tom Schlesinger of The News, in his weekly "Capital Roundup", tells of the Civil Aeronautics Board likely to approve Capital Airlines making regular runs into Hickory's new million-dollar airfield starting in July.

Democratic members of Congress believed that Secretary of State Acheson needed to be replaced for the good of the party. Senator Willis Smith had suggested that Senator Richard Russell replace him. Senator Clyde Hoey also favored Mr. Acheson's resignation and believed a good replacement would be either Supreme Court Chief Justice Fred Vinson, former ERP administrator Paul Hoffman, or Republican State Department adviser John Foster Dulles—to become Secretary in 1953 under President Eisenhower. He rejected Averell Harriman as being too much in the mold of Mr. Acheson.

Mr. Acheson would remain until the end of the Truman Administration.

Senator Smith had observed most of General MacArthur's testimony before the joint Senate committees and believed that he had made a strong case, supported the General's position on the war as superior to the policy of waging a war of attrition, favored by the Administration. Senator Hoey had seen part of the General's testimony and found him able and articulate, hoped that American opinion on his firing and Far Eastern policy would not be formed on a partisan basis.

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