The Charlotte News

Monday, September 4, 1950

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that two tank-led North Korean columns had penetrated allied lines in the northeast sector of the 120-mile defense arc south of Kigye in the Pohang area and moved down two main highways about 12.5 miles, threatening to outflank Taegu, one prong reaching Kyongju, sixteen miles southwest of Pohang, while the other moved five miles toward Yongchon, between Kyongju and Taegu. The advance represented the largest enemy gain in weeks. Elsewhere, an American counterthrust by Marines and Second Division infantrymen made gains against the North Korean forces on the Naktong River bulge west of Yongsan. The enemy was reported fleeing the area, after fourteen tanks had been knocked out in two days. An estimated 40,000 enemy troops had been massed in this bulge. In the southwest, American forces held their original positions west of Masan against North Korean forces. The enemy had lost 12,000 troops in this sector in the course of three days.

The new enemy offensive was said to have begun to appear as a fighter without a knockout punch, condemned to die. North Korean tactics puzzled American officers, who expected them to feign a drive at one point while building up a fighting force at another to try to break through the allied lines. Instead, they had tried to force the whole line in a series of relatively small attacks. The situation remained serious north of Taegu and in the area of Pohang, but there was no massed power in either location. The North Koreans had broken through both the 25th and Second Infantry Divisions, and had they followed through, the road to Pusan would have been open and impossible to defend. North Korea, American commanders thus surmised, had no back-up troops to put into the sector.

Maybe, in truth, they did not wish to fight for fatso's grandpappy, the moronic little Russian puppet-boy. Did you ever think of that, fatso? You're not very bright.

Fighter planes served as aerial artillery for the U.N. forces, hitting straw stacks, favorite hiding places for materiel such as gas tanks, while B-29's switched from ground support to bombing railway bridges north of the 38th parallel. One hit train exploded with a "big bang".

A North Korean female soldier wielding a tommy-gun shot seven bound American prisoners of war the previous night near Masan, after they had been captured while sleeping. Two survived the attack, having been left for dead, and told of the incident. A South Korean soldier assigned as sentry was also slain. A South Korean interpreter managed to free his hands, escaped, and also told of the incident. The detachment had been captured by a contingent of ten enemy soldiers, three of whom were female, dressed as South Korean troops, as the Americans slept in a tent to keep dry from a rainstorm. A few minutes after the attack, an American patrol reached the location. They searched the area for the guerrillas who had fled into the night, but had not found anyone thus far.

A typhoon hit southern Japan, leaving 200 dead and hundreds missing, with thousands injured. Osaka and nine neighboring prefectures bore the brunt of the wave, which had struck at 3:00 a.m. EST. Six ships had been sunk by the typhoon.

Congressman Anthony Tauriello of New York, who the previous week had sent a letter to Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson urging him to resign for the good of the country, sent another letter to him accusing him of "persecuting" deceased former Secretary of Defense James Forrestal with rumors, forcing his resignation in March, 1949, two months after which he had committed suicide. He also claimed that Mr. Johnson's economy program had made it difficult to stockpile strategic raw materials.

Governor Thomas Dewey of New York was expected to announce later in the day that he would accept the Republican nomination for a third term as Governor, after he had previously declined to run again. The Lieutenant Governor, Joe Hanley, 74, who had planned to run, removed himself from consideration in deference to the draft-Dewey movement.

In Detroit, Ford formed a new five-year labor agreement with its autoworkers under which it raised wages by eight cents per hour based on a cost of living adjustment, subject to reduction, plus a four cent flat increase. It was the last of the major automakers to do so, duplicating the G.M.formula. Both management and the UAW indicated satisfaction with the agreement. It was not clear whether the raise would mean higher prices on Ford-manufactured cars.

The remaining 37,000-employee strike set to start the next day at G.E., to add to the 23,000 who had struck the prior week, was still in doubt pending votes by locals, at least one of which, 6,000 strong, had voted to overrule the International Union of Electrical Workers' directive to strike.

Three hurricanes hovered off Florida, one on the west coast in the Apalachee Bay area, bypassing St. Petersburg, Sarasota, and Fort Myers, now positioned 40 miles southwest of Tampa, moving at 10 mph, with 65 to 75 mph winds. A storm warning was raised from Jacksonville to Charleston and hurricane warnings remained in effect from Sarasota to Apalachicola.

Another hurricane headed out to sea after bypassing Bermuda without damage. A third hurricane, deemed severe with 150 mph winds, was about a thousand miles southeast of Miami.

The holiday weekend death toll, according to the National Safety Council, had reached 332, 259 of which were in traffic accidents, amounting to one every 13 minutes through midnight the previous day, less than the average anticipated of one every eleven minutes, which would equate to a total of 435 for the full three-day weekend.

On the editorial page, "Mr. Truman Spells Out U.S. Policy" finds that the President, though lacking some of the verbal charisma of his predecessor, had, in plain language, spelled out American policy in his speech the previous Friday night. He made clear that the U.S. would not tolerate further Soviet aggression and gave assurance that the U.S. would not, itself, take part in any offensive aggression, that the only way World War III could start would be through Communist initiation. He had also outlined the degree of military preparation needed for security, that three million men was a necessary minimum strength. In his eight-point plan for world peace, he invited all nations of the world to participate. He specifically addressed the Far East by saying that the U.S. wanted no part of Asia, including Formosa, and urged the Chinese people not to be misled into fighting the U.N. forces and the American people, who remained their friends.

"Failure of a Mission" finds that the month-long rotation of Russian chief delegate Jakob Malik as U.N. Security Council president had been a miserable failure. His goal had been to pin blame on the U.S. as "aggressors" in Korea but instead his lies had boomeranged to Soviet detriment. He had managed to obstruct for a month the resolution to condemn North Korea for not abiding by the ceasefire resolution of June 25 and created controversy as to whether Communist China or Formosa should be seated as the representative of China on the Security Council. But he had failed to disrupt the unity of the non-Communist membership joined in the effort to stop the North Korean aggression. Instead, he had shown Russia's willingness to aid and abet North Korea in its aggression.

Now, Sir Gladwyn Jebb of Great Britain was presiding over the Security Council for September, and he would bring back order and fairness to the proceedings. Mr. Malik might use his veto to block further action against North Korea but doing so would only reinforce world opinion against Russia. Moreover, even after such a veto, the General Assembly could still vote to override it when it met later in the month.

"The Old Cemetery" reminds that for some time, there had been discussion of improving the old Founders Presbyterian Cemetery downtown to make it commodious as a park but had always met with objection for disturbing hallowed ground. A civic organization had proposed anew to provide paths around the graves and the City had pledged to afford ample policing to avoid it becoming a safe harbor for vagrants.

It points out that many such places, as Trinity Church yard in New York, had been open to the public and had not attracted complaint.

The old cemetery was overgrown with weeds and was often littered with beer cans and empty whiskey bottles. Such conditions did not convey respect for the dead, whereas the proposed beautification project would.

"Labor Day—U.S.A." says that it was for the holiday on Labor Day, that the Communists had once worked hard to take it over but when they had failed, fell back on May Day. So, there were no "Marxist frills" any longer associated with it.

A month earlier, an item had appeared which reported that the Politburo had instructed Soviet workers not to loaf on the beach, to take political reading material along and engage in conversation about the Government. It finds that Labor Day in Russia, therefore, appeared not to be much fun.

Furthermore, employment in the U.S. had reached a record high at 62.3 million, according to the Secretary of Commerce.

A piece from the Raleigh News & Observer, titled "The Real McCarthy", finds that recent disclosures by Senator Joseph McCarthy that he owed no Wisconsin state income tax for the prior four years confirmed previous evidence of the real nature of the man who had "become the greatest assassin of other people's characters in the history of the country." The Senator had also failed to file during his service in the Marines during the war, claiming that he was no longer a citizen of Wisconsin while overseas, even though he remained a State judge for the duration. His current claim was that he had paid interest larger than his $15,000 annual Senate salary, thus leaving no taxable income, meaning a debt of at least $300,000. It suggests that Wisconsin should find out who had loaned so much money to an insolvent man.

It concludes that often those who whined the most about "the taxpayers" turned out to be "no more than dishonest and dishonorable tax dodgers."

DeWitt McKenzie finds that the obstructionist month during which Jakob Malik had been Security Council president had done a lot for the organization by showing the Soviet challenge to democracy in microcosm, before television audiences. Previously, Mr. Malik had been known as affable. He was well educated and had served Russia in many distinguished positions. But during the month, he had been reduced to the role of a "circus barker", as chief U.S. delegate Warren Austin had aptly described him.

Such revulsion to Mr. Malik served well to underscore the degree of fairness being promised by Britain's Sir Gladwyn Jebbs in his turn as chairman during September.

Drew Pearson tells of the President refusing to approve a plan for public housing for military personnel in Alaska, to be paid for over a period of 35 years. He refused to endorse the plan, based on his own personal experience in having to pay off investors for his failed haberdashery during a period of 20 years, saying he would not saddle the taxpayers with such a debt.

Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson recently had confided to a friend within the Administration that he wanted to get rid of Secretary of State Acheson. At a recent meeting with the Senate Appropriations Committee in closed session, the two Secretaries, however, appeared friendly to one another. Senator Homer Ferguson tried to provoke them into open quarrel, failing which, he wondered aloud whether Mr. Johnson had always agreed with Mr. Acheson's policies. Mr. Johnson responded that it was not a matter of agreeing or disagreeing, but that once policy was made by the President, he followed through with its implementation. Mr. Acheson agreed with that stance.

Senator Kenneth Wherry became visibly upset when SecretaryAcheson accused him of "loose talking" with respect to rearming Germany.

Senator William Knowland wanted to see the long-suppressed Wedemeyer report on China and Korea, to which Secretary Acheson said he would have to first consult with the President but that his recommendation would be against its release. Senator Knowland then became embroiled in debate with Senator Kenneth McKellar after the latter complained of bringing political questions into the hearing, delaying getting at the truth. The aging Senator McKellar referred, apparently inadvertently, to Admiral "Helicopter" of the CIA, meaning Admiral Hillenkoetter, as example of a witness who had been questioned repeatedly on the same ground on two different occasions.

The questioning by the Republicans of Secretaries Johnson and Acheson nevertheless continued for three more hours.

Marquis Childs finds that General MacArthur's latest conflict with the President regarding Administration policy on Formosa was only one in a line of such controversies with the Administration and the Pentagon since the Battle of the Bismarck Sea during World War II. The General had claimed at that time that B-17's under his command had sunk 22 Japanese ships and killed 20,000 of the enemy. But Air Force headquarters in Washington subsequently studied the battle, as well as Japanese intelligence gained from code-breaking, and determined that the convoy in question never had more than 16 ships, of which 14 had been sunk, with far less loss of life than the General had claimed.

Yet, in September, 1945, at the time of the Japanese surrender, the General, in a rare interview, claimed again that the battle had resulted in 22 ships lost, along with a hundred planes, in a "decisive aerial engagement" in his theater. He claimed to be in possession of the name of every ship sunk.

Those who had sought to use the General within the Republican Party for political advantage were doing his historical stature a disservice while deluding the General, who had not been in the U.S. since 1936, into believing that he had a political base. In 1948, his name had been entered with his consent in the Wisconsin primary and he had run a poor second to Harold Stassen. His name had been placed in nomination at the Republican convention and on the first ballot he garnered but eleven votes, on the second, only seven.

Mr. Childs suggests that such exploitation served to diminish rather than enhance the General's significant contribution to rebuilding Japan and stabilizing of the Pacific after the war. If the peace could be kept in Asia, his place in history would be larger than that of the fighting generals. If general war developed, that position would be jeopardized.

Robert C. Ruark finds Communists claiming to have reformed to be motivated by willing book publishers. Such was the case with Lee Pressman, now claiming no longer to be a Communist and testifying before HUAC. Such had been the case with Whittaker Chambers two years earlier, when he had testified against Alger Hiss. Mr. Ruark says that he would not trust Mr. Chambers as far as he could heave him, which would be "into the East River."

Communism, he ventures, was founded on "deviousness and foolishness and hard, bitter scheming". It was a "religion of deceit", a "Holy Grail of carefully compounded lies and trickery." The FBI had trapped some party members by meeting lies with lies and planting spies within the party.

He finds it amazing that former Vice-President Henry Wallace was only a heartbeat away from becoming President between 1941 and 1945, suggesting, with considerable historical license and hyperbole, that if he had been the repeat nominee in 1944 instead of Harry Truman, then Lee Pressman might have become Secretary of State.

He does not accept as genuine Mr. Pressman's ostensible change of heart as it had taken fifteen years to occur. He finds it a hackneyed expression and, listening of late to U.N. Russian chief delegate Jakob Malik, concludes that no member of the Communist Party was able to utter any truth.

A letter writer agrees with the letter writer of Thursday who had protested the white ambulance service not picking up an injured black motorist after a traffic accident, also agrees that Charlotte should not boast of its many churches, advises rather that it should follow Christian precepts, stop drinking, and pick up the injured after traffic accidents regardless of color.

As suggested last week, we have pondered at length why the narrator, in the final episode of the running, stated Tuesday, September 5 as the last day of the running, rather than August 29, the more logical date, given that the episode aired on August 29, not September 5, 1967. Actually, he appears to have said, "the day the running stops", rather than using the past tense, implying a future action, when "Hollywood Palace" would take over the time slot. But, as we suggested also last week, that gives rise to the query whether the depiction presented as the final episode was actually only a dream sequence amid the recurring nightmare. Was Dr. Kimble, in fact, for most of the duration of the series, stuck in a coma, following his rescue of the children from the burning bus at North Oak? What will be the actual conclusion of the story, when and if it ever occurs or is unveiled to viewers from some other side?

It is a question of temporal consideration which begs resolution for the sake not only of Dr. Kimble, but of mankind in general...

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