The Charlotte News

Thursday, July 27, 1950

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that during a lull in the action, North Korean troops and armor, according to MacArthur headquarters in Tokyo, were massing by night for an attempted knockout blow in the center of the American defense lines.

Correspondent William R. Moore reported that three large enemy columns were concentrating east of Yongdong, in front of the U.S. First Cavalry Division. American artillery had begun to bombard enemy infantry concentrations. Air Force jets and Mustangs swarmed over the area, sending rockets and fire into enemy lines and advancing troops. According to headquarters, two of the three best North Korean divisions were massed in that area.

On the eastern part of the 200-mile arc which now formed the new battlefront surrounding the supply depots at Pohang and Pusan, South Koreans attacked the enemy and drove them back seven miles at Hamchang under U.S. aerial coverage. On the east coast, they advanced toward Yongdok with land artillery and naval guns in support. Six enemy tanks were knocked out by planes and bazookas.

Headquarters reported that an enemy column had been pushed back two miles in the vicinity of Hadong, 70 miles northwest of Pusan. Two other holes were plugged on the approaches to Pusan. Other patrols moved into Hamyang, 78 miles northwest of Pusan, and made contact with an enemy regiment in Namwon, 22 miles southwest of Hamyang. Small numbers of fresh American troops had entered this area the previous day.

General MacArthur had just returned to Tokyo after a swift inspection of the battle front and stated that he was confident of ultimate victory but foresaw a long struggle ahead.

Pentagon officials asked foreign nations contributing troops, as Britain had just agreed to do the previous day along with armor, to provide them in units of no less size than a thousand troops, trained, equipped, and supplied for immediate fighting. Later, the U.S. would supply the foreign troops. London news dispatches had estimated that Britain would supply between a thousand and five thousand men. Turkey had offered 4,500 troops. The Pentagon looked forward to deployment of these troops as the Americans and South Koreans badly needed reinforcements while awaiting reinforcements from the U.S. Holding the line at least twenty miles from Pusan would insure holding the perimeter at the southeast corner of the peninsula and maintaining the supply depots, but if the lines had to be withdrawn further, to within fifteen or a dozen miles, the situation would become critical as long-range enemy artillery could then begin to reach Pusan.

In London, Winston Churchill told Commons that American planes flying from British bases could drop atom bombs on Russia in a third world war, but Russia could also fly across the English Channel and bomb England worse than it had ever suffered before, as well as unleash guided missiles from captured areas of Western Europe such as France. He found it disturbing that England was "more defenseless" than it had ever been. He maintained, however, that Russia had not the uranium resources to produce more than a few atomic bombs at present.

The House passed a bill giving the President authority, to avoid the prospect of sabotage, to direct Coast Guard searches and control movements of all foreign flag vessels entering American ports.

Congressman Carl Vinson, chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, said that the Air Force was planning to increase its size from 48 combat groups to 58 groups within a year, and to 69 groups by the beginning of 1953.

The National Security Resources Board was organizing a 12-person national policy committee from industry, labor, agriculture, and the public, to consult on war mobilization.

The President reiterated at a news conference that he did not believe that there was any need at present for price and wage controls, despite the recommendation for it by Bernard Baruch in testimony to Congress the previous day. But the House Banking Committee turned downed by only a vote a proposal to allow the President to introduce limited controls of prices and wages as well as institution of rationing when necessary. The Committee approved sections authorizing the President to seize plants and materials for military and other national security purposes.

Three Republican Senators proposed cutting the rivers, harbors, and flood control appropriations by 50 percent, and Senator Paul Douglas immediately proposed that the funding be cut by 60 percent.

Japanese fishermen inadvertently hauled up a live torpedo which then exploded, killing 30 and injuring ten others on the boat.

In Hillsborough, N.J., tobacco heiress Doris Duke was allowed by the township to raise pigs on her model farm, but refused permission to feed them imported garbage, which was said to be illegal. The proposed concrete piggery would be air conditioned, have water sprays, drains, and atomizers.

Why not give the piggies a smoking lounge, too?

On the editorial page, "Let's Shoulder the Cost" supports the proposal of Senator Taft that the increased military spending on Korea be placed on a pay-as-you-go basis by raising taxes. Besides being a hedge against inflation and not raising unduly the national debt, it would tell Russia that Americans were willing to tighten their belts in time of cold war or lukewarm war, as well as during hot wars, and would frustrate the Kremlin's plan to see to it that America's resources were depleted enough to cause a depression which would make it easier for Russia to take over Western Europe.

The piece finds that the country's reaction to Korea had bolstered the thesis put forth by Gerald Johnson in Incredible Tale, that Americans in 1950 were of tougher fiber than those of 1900.

"Saturday's Bond Election—III" favors the $500,000 bond set to be voted on the following Saturday for street-widening and resurfacing. It provides an outline of the history of the way Charlotte's streets were laid out since 1765.

"Weapon Against Food Price Hikes" supports a proposed amendment to the Agricultural Act, whereby the Consumer Credit Corporation could sell farm commodities at support prices rather than under existing law, which prohibited sale for less than five percent above the support price. The piece thinks it wise to prevent inflation on food prices during the war and suggests that it would be even better if the CCC could sell below support prices.

An excerpt appears from the Congressional Record in which Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois engaged in a colloquy with Senator Carl Hayden of Arizona, regarding the need to order 30 additional Government automobiles for Bureau of Indian Affairs agents. Senator Douglas questioned the need for the additional vehicles, and Senator Hayden responded, advising that the Bureau of the Budget had recommended another 100. To that Senator Douglas replied that it was the natural inclination of Government employees to want to ride around in new cars and so the Bureau of the Budget should not be regarded as the final word on such matters, but that the committee had done well to pare the number down to 30.

Bill Sharpe, in his weekly "Turpentine Drippings", snippets from newspapers around the state, provides a piece by John Bragaw from The State, which told of a man betting another that he could stop traffic on Broadway with a rusty nail, whereupon the other accepted the wager, and the man proceeded to use the nail to scratch the pavement until cars began to stop to see what he was doing, thus enabling him to win the bet and proving that city dwellers were as curious as country dwellers.

J. W. Clay, in the Winston-Salem Journal, tells of people needing to remain awake in all walks of life, including in church where he had seen people sleeping.

The Robesonian of Lumberton reports that the county tax collector's books had been short a penny two years earlier, but that they had finally found it. The tax collector had begged the newspaper not to report the missing cent when it had been discovered, as rumor would likely grow it to $10,000 within two weeks.

The Waynesville Mountaineer reports that a neighbor had invited a young child to supper and he had accepted the invitation with glee, saying that he would be right over as soon as he finished supper.

A piece from the Winston-Salem Journal tells of a grizzled old banker in a rural town being interviewed by a newspaper regarding his successful career, telling of his start in banking by putting up a sign saying "Bank", whereupon people started making small deposits until he felt confident enough to put $50 in his own bank.

So, so, so, and so, so.

Drew Pearson tells of CIA director Admiral Roscoe Hillenkoetter being ready to return to sea duty and leave the CIA. He had done a better job in the post than many in Congress believed. The President had reluctantly acquiesced to the resignation and offered the position to General Walter Bedell Smith, who had refused thus far on health grounds. In creating the CIA in 1947, the Congress had intended that it be run by civilians, as civilians were generally better than the military at directing intelligence gathering. He suggests, therefore, that the President instead consider moving J. Edgar Hoover from the FBI to the CIA, as he had done such a good job as the nation's top cop.

General Smith would accept the appointment by early fall.

Republicans, including Senator Taft and fiscally conservative Congressman Robert Rich of Pennsylvania, on the Joint Economic Committee were as cooperative as Democrats in acceding to the President's request for higher taxes because of the Korean war.

New information had been uncovered by the FBI on the wiretapping of Howard Hughes in 1947 at the behest of Senator Owen Brewster during the probe by the Senate Investigating Committee into Mr. Hughes's war contracts. The police lieutenant who admitted doing the wiretap had not admitted turning over any of the gathered information to Senator Brewster, presumably to insulate the Senator. Meanwhile, Senator Brewster denied knowing of the wiretap, said that he hired the lieutenant because of concerns over his personal safety. The Justice Department had been sitting on the information without action for nine months before finally assigning the FBI to the task.

Marquis Childs warns that another Korea could occur on Formosa, an awareness of which was growing in Washington but without taking the necessary steps to guard against it. The Seventh Fleet, pursuant to the directive of the President, was patrolling the waters between the Chinese mainland and Formosa, but it could prove inadequate should the Chinese Communists deploy a major invasion force against the island bastion of the Nationalists.

If such an invasion occurred and the Nationalists were losing, there would be an immediate cry in Congress from the friends of Formosa, as Senator William Knowland, to send troops to its aid. Mr. Childs wonders, therefore, whether such troops would be sent. The practical answer, he ventures, should be in the negative, to avoid dilution of American strength in Europe. Moreover, sending military support for Formosa would not receive sanction from the U.N. as had Korea, as India had recognized Communist China and Britain had offered its recognition. Such would also cause division at home as to who was to blame, just as with the surprise attack on South Korea.

He favors, at a minimum, realistic appraisal of the situation on Formosa, with coordination of the diplomatic and military branches of the Government to do so, lacking in recent months.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop find that the President had acted with courage and decisiveness in the month since the Korean attack. His usual omnipresent grin had disappeared, as had his overly optimistic conviction that everything was going to be all right.

He had met the Korean crisis head-on and determined to undertake serious rearmament of the U.S. and the West. The President's planned fall midterm election campaign swing had been canceled. Rather than the political operatives around the White House having easy access to the President, as in the past, General Omar Bradley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs, now sat in on all Cabinet meetings. The Brannan farm plan and the compulsory health insurance plan had taken a backseat to the war.

Averell Harriman also attended both the National Security Council and Cabinet meetings and saw the President regularly several times each day, whereas Secretary of State Acheson saw the President usually only twice per week. Yet, the new Harriman role had strengthened the position of Mr. Acheson, as both men had complete confidence in each other and were able to work closely together. The President also consulted with the three military service secretaries individually. Secretary of Defense Johnson went to see the President only about once per week and it was unclear what Mr. Johnson's relationship was to the President, now that it had become clear that his advice that economizing on defense had increased combat capabilities had proved catastrophic.

But since the start of the Korean invasion, the President had shown great leadership in repudiating the Johnson policies. Whether he would sustain that leadership and whether Secretary Johnson would retain his post, they conclude, remained in question.

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