The Charlotte News

Saturday, July 1, 1950

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that according to General MacArthur's headquarters, a North Korean column had been repulsed at Suwon by South Korean defenders and that the North Koreans had never actually taken the town or its key airstrip, as reported the previous day, the only major airstrip available north of Pusan. The North Korean forces were concentrated ten miles north of Suwon and had thrown three makeshift bridges across the Han River, 23 miles north of the town. There were no North Korean tanks south of that point. U.S. B-29's had bombed the bridges and railroad yards, as well as anti-aircraft batteries inside Communist-held Seoul. Because of rain and clouds, the B-29's were reliant on radar to find targets. Twelve planes had been lost since the beginning of air operations on Tuesday.

Bad weather, including torrential rains, this time of year in Korea was causing air support for ground troops to be tenuous. It would be especially important in coming days as the four available divisions of U.S. ground troops sought to gain a foothold to stop the push of Communist troops southward. American troops were being moved by rail to the front at Suwon, 235 miles north from the embarkation point by land at Pusan, but none had yet completed the journey.

Some British units had joined the naval forces in the Philippine area and in Korean waters. The American light cruiser Juneau was bombarding the Communist-occupied east coast of South Korea.

The Communist Chinese were reported to have moved up 200,000 troops to the North Korean border with China in Manchuria. The movement, it was reported, was the result of direct orders from Moscow.

General MacArthur's representatives were discussing with Nationalist China the prospect of sending Nationalist Chinese troops into Korea.

The U.S.-British naval blockade of Korea was expected to aid land operations against the Communists but not to impede their receipt of supplies from Russia. The Japanese, during the war, had constructed railroads which still remained between Manchuria and the Trans-Siberian Railway to enable supply routes from Siberia into North Korea. The blockade would, however, prevent the North Koreans from making more landings on the Southern coast and maintain open sea lanes for movement of U.S. troops and supplies from Japan. U.S. authorities said that the blockade would respect the three-mile international limit.

A C-54 transport plane crashed at Pusan the previous day, killing all 23 aboard. None were ground troops, the transport of whom had thus far occurred without mishap.

Wartime unity had returned to Congress, as GOP Senators Knowland, Millikin, and Flanders called for sending American ground troops into North Korea as well as into South Korea. Senator Taft said that he doubted Russia would accept peacefully such troops north of the 38th parallel but that it would be difficult to respect the border during warfare.

Senators Kilgore and Bridges joined to sponsor a bill to establish a voluntary training program during the summer months for youths between ages 17 and 21.

Senator Warren Magnuson sponsored a bill to provide the President authority, without first declaring an emergency, to regulate movement of foreign ships in American waters.

Throughout Eastern Europe, Communist newspapers reassured nervous readers that Russia had no intention of becoming involved in the Korean conflict.

The U.N. Security Council discussed setting up a high-level authority to coordinate U.N. action to stop the attack on South Korea, an action supported thus far by more than half of the 59 members of the organization.

The President was resting for the weekend aboard his yacht Williamsburg on the Potomac. He appeared tense and tired after a grueling week.

Near Taza, in French Morocco, a bus crashed into a truck and burst into flames, killing at least twenty Arab passengers, plus the truck driver.

Pictured on the front page is the 20-year old man who had confessed in Ohio to responsibility for the Hartford, Conn., Ringling Brothers Circus fire of July 6, 1944 which resulted in 168 people being killed, along with admission of setting more than twenty other fires and committing four separate homicides between the time he was 9 and 19 years old. He was indicted for two small fires in Circleville, O., for which he would ultimately be convicted and sentenced to four to forty years in prison, of which he would serve eight years before his parole in 1958. He would subsequently recant the confession of setting the Hartford fire, for which he was never charged by Connecticut authorities, maintaining his innocence until his death in 1997, following a reopening of the investigation between 1991 and 1993. He asserted that the confessions came from prolonged interrogation during which he was deprived of sleep and harangued with brainwashing by the Ohio authorities and psychiatrists. He also denied in 1993 that he had set the Circleville fires, which involved no loss of life or injury.

Also pictured is a drawing he had made for psychiatrists of an Indian horseman. He claimed in 1950 that before setting the fires he had visions of a flaming red Indian horseman, would black out and then regain awareness after the fires had started. In 1993, he asserted that these visions were in relation to his position as an Indian shaman and that he was targeted by authorities in 1950 for being different, that his problems stemmed from being caught between two cultures, that of traditional American society and Native American culture.

The big tent of the circus which caught fire had been water-proofed with a volatile mixture of gasoline and wax, accounting for the fast-moving inferno and resultant loss of life. Authorities at the time of the fire concluded that it was probably the result of accident, albeit involving criminal negligence on the part of the circus directors for not taking proper precautions against a known risk of fire.

It should be noted that subsequent discarding of the 1944 Fire Marshal's conclusion that the fire probably started from a carelessly tossed cigarette or burning match below the bleachers by a patron rested only on the notion that tests during the reinvestigation in the early Nineties showed that a smoldering cigarette probably would not have ignited dried grass. Those tests, however, did not take into account either the lit match theory or the presence of wood shavings strewn on the floor of the major tents the day before and the day of the fire, as stated at page 8 of the Fire Marshal's original report, it not being clear whether the wood shavings were spread over the area where the fire erupted. Moreover, the fire experts' revisit failed to consider the report by a police officer that one patron spontaneously stated as he fled the fire that a man, described exclamatorily as a "dirty son of a bitch", had just tossed a cigarette butt in the very area where the fire erupted, as related at page 11 of the report. The inherent reliability of such spontaneous declarations or excited utterances is why such statements are admissible in evidence under the law as exceptions to the hearsay rule.

On the editorial page, "Another Fateful Decision" finds that the decision of the President to send American ground troops into action in Korea reflected the seriousness of the crisis. The nations joining in the effort were, day by day, getting more deeply involved in the situation, as borne out by the simultaneous order of the President to have planes bomb selected targets north of the 38th parallel, following the initial order to have bombing confined only to South Korean targets taken by the Communists, the new effort being designed to disrupt supply lines.

It suggests that such actions would not provoke Russia to fight unless it had already made that determination from the start. But if Russia did intervene, it ventures, then the U.S. might have to withdraw. Hanson Baldwin, military expert for the New York Times, had said that in the event of Russian intervention, the American troops would be consigned to the same fate as General MacArthur's troops on Bataan in spring, 1942 before the better equipped Japanese, that South Korea was recognized as difficult to defend.

It concludes, therefore, that the Politburo held the key to peace, as they had for the prior five years.

"The Man for the Job" urges that despite the criticism of General MacArthur for his imperious stance and rigid military bureaucracy imposed on occupied Japan, he was the right man, with both the experience and prestige, to lead the American forces in the action in Korea. It assures that sooner or later he would push the Communist forces back behind the 38th parallel.

"Hup, Two, Three, Four" finds a smile in the notion that despite the atomic bomb and ongoing dispute between the Air Force and Navy as to which service was the better delivery device for it, the President's order of the infantry into Korea had confirmed that one thing went on forever: "hup, two, three, four, hup, two..."

"Senate Interlude" finds humorous a colloquy between Texas Senator Tom Connally, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and California Senator William Knowland, long an Administration critic regarding Far East policy, in which Senator Knowland had repeatedly addressed questions to Senator Connally, prompting the latter to object to doing so without being recognized under the rules of debate. Eventually, Senator Knowland acknowledged assent to the question of Senator Connally whether free peoples might act outside the U.N. to stop the aggression in Korea, after which Wisconsin Senator Alexander Wiley indicated that since love had been restored to the floor, he wanted to inject a few words.

A piece from the Christian Science Monitor, titled "Upset in North Carolina", comments on the Democratic nomination to the Senate of Willis Smith, winning over Senator Frank Graham in the runoff the prior Saturday, and the impact of racial politics on the election. It suggests that while the election would strengthen the conservative wing of the Democratic Party, it was unlikely that such a tide had so suddenly arisen in North Carolina to account for the shift from Senator Graham's 52,000-vote plurality in the initial four-way primary race, in which the other two opponents accounted for a combined 65,000 votes, the bulk of which having been for former conservative Senator Robert Rice Reynolds, to a 20,000-vote defeat for Senator Graham in the runoff.

It suggests that the only significant event which had taken place between the two primaries was the trio of decisions from the Supreme Court on June 5, striking down aspects of segregation, combined with the increased intensity of labeling of Senator Graham as being sympathetic, not only to Communism, but also racial integration by virtue of his having been a member of the President's Civil Rights Committee, which had issued a report in 1947 favoring a compulsory FEPC and integration throughout society.

Such politics had also been at work in the Florida election of Congressman George Smathers over incumbent Senator Claude Pepper. It wonders whether such a course might lead conservatism from its traditional roots into the areas of race and prejudice. It also urges liberalism to emphasize education, dissociating itself from Federal coercion.

Drew Pearson tells of two British defense experts, Air Marshal Sir Ralph Cochran, Vice Chief Marshal of the RAF, and Dr. Richard Cockburn, an atomic scientist, being in Washington, by happenstance at the time of the Korean invasion, to discuss British use of the atom bomb, coincident with the call by Conservative M.P. Peter Jeffrey Roberts on Monday before Parliament, after the invasion, urging use of the atom bomb against Pyongyang. The two experts were sent on direct orders of British Prime Minister Clement Attlee after a meeting of the Cabinet, to propose that the U.S. stockpile a certain number of baby atom bombs in the Azores to strengthen European defenses and that British bombers be authorized to drop them in the event of war. Thus far, the U.S. had made no commitments on the proposal.

Secretary of State Acheson and Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson had admitted to the Senate Appropriations Committee during the week that the U.S. had been caught napping at the time of the invasion of South Korea, saying that they had not received any advance warning of it other than that the North Koreans had been restive along the border. Secretary Johnson had no answer for why the CIA had not been alerted to the action. But CIA director Admiral Roscoe Hillenkoetter read to the Committee two reports, one dated the prior June 20 and the other in August, 1949, showing that his agents had a general warning of concentration of 65,000 to 75,000 well-equipped Communist troops along the 38th parallel. In addition, the CIA had prior knowledge of the presence of a complement of 195 newer Russian-built planes ready for action. Admiral Hillenkoetter said that it had not been his job, however, to evaluate reports but rather only to create them. He said that he had no reports of any Russian soldier in combat but that the Russians had a training center on the Northern side of the border. He further indicated, in response to Senators' questions, that the Russians might attack Formosa at any time.

Mr. Pearson notes that the following day, the President ordered the Seventh Fleet to cover Formosa.

Governor Dewey had recently informed Secretary Acheson at the Governors conference that he never believed the charges by Senator Joseph McCarthy of Communism in the State Department. He also said that he thought the Secretary was doing a fine job, a compliment which caught Secretary Acheson by such surprise that he had almost spilled his drink.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop salute George Kennan, the chief planner at the State Department and chief expert on the Soviets, who was leaving his post for a year of rest. He, along with his policy-making partner, also an expert on Russia, Charles Bohlen, had been indispensable to the State Department in formulating plans during the first four years of the cold war. Mr. Kennan, whose father had been an expert on czarist Russia at the turn of the century, had remained in the background, out of the public eye, and such was a way to draw the suspicion of Congress, as with David Lilienthal, former chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission. But Mr. Kennan was leaving his post without any cloud over his reputation. His only entry to the public eye came in 1947, writing under the moniker "Mr. X", setting forth in Foreign Affairs the basis for U.S. foreign policy.

He had been singularly responsible for the plan to invite the Soviets into the Marshall Plan, fully knowing that if they had accepted, the plan could not have passed Congress. But the move made the Plan inclusive of the Soviet bloc and thus appealed to the U.N. membership

He had also prepared the basic papers in his last days on which the President had founded his decision to send American forces into Korea.

The basic theory of both Mr. Kennan and Mr. Bohlen was that conditions of strength were prerequisite to prevention of Soviet aggression, as proven thus far in the Korean crisis. It remained unclear whether the Government would act on the premise, but Mr. Kennan, they posit, deserved the public thanks for having put forth the concept.

James Marlow describes in detail the new draft law which the President was about to sign, which extended the draft for one year and was the same law in effect since 1948, requiring registration after age 18, though not subject to induction before age 19, and subjecting every registrant to 21 months of service unless deferred or exempted, examples of which he provides. No one had been inducted since early 1949 because volunteers had been adequate.

He does not mention that the President retained power under the law to order inductions without prior approval from Congress, obviously a moot point given the Korean crisis.

Tom Schlesinger of The News, in his weekly "Capital Roundup", tells of North Carolina Congressman Robert Doughton, chairman of the House Ways & Means Committee, having blamed the defeat of Senator Graham in the runoff primary on the heavy-handedness of Governor Kerr Scott in his alleged pressuring of State Road Commission employees to vote for Senator Graham. All in Congress generally expressed the opinion that a valuable statesman had been lost in the defeat, including even those who had opposed the Senator among the Southern bloc, feeling a bit guilty about the defeat.

To the press, the Senator had been a new type, keeping well out of politics, one who said what he believed, but by the end of the campaign, had become a Senator who was regulating his remarks to accord expectations of certain groups. Mr. Schlesinger finds that while such acquiescence to popular will was inevitable in campaigns to be re-elected, it also deprived the people of strong leadership. He concludes that Senator Graham would not be out of Government service for long and that his name had been mentioned as a possibility for the chairmanship of the Atomic Energy Commission.

Most observers believed that nothing would come of the Senate probe of the North Carolina Senate campaign for spending irregularities.

The Nation had remarked on the Friday before the election that many believed that if the Supreme Court had not decided the trio of cases on June 5, the runoff election would not have been demanded by Willis Smith, but that most of Senator Graham's supporters believed that the advance in civil rights would be worth the price even if it entailed his defeat.

The anti-Administration Washington Star said that the outcome should give the Administration strategists something about which to think, that it refuted the notion that Southern opposition to the Fair Deal was confined to a minority of reactionaries.

The pro-Administration Washington Post had commented that North Carolina had followed the lead of Florida in the revolt against the President's leadership.

Conservative columnist Gould Lincoln had remarked that the President had lost four of the eleven Southern states in 1948 and that unless he stopped treading on Southern toes, he might lose all eleven in 1952 should he decide to run.

Columnist Doris Fleeson had said that Democrats were studying the large turnout in Florida in middle-class precincts which normally did not bother to vote in off-year elections, attributing the anomaly to the campaign of opposition to "socialized medicine" by doctors and dentists.

Willis Smith would join six other Smiths in Congress, five of whom were Republicans, one, Margaret Chase Smith, also a Senator. Congressman-nominate Woodrow Jones would be the second Jones from North Carolina, along with Hamilton Jones, and the fourth in the House.

Framed Edition
[Return to Links
Page by Subject] [Return to Links-Page by Date] [Return to News<i><i><i>—</i></i></i>Framed Edition]
Links-Date Links-Subj.