The Charlotte News

Saturday, March 4, 1950

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that John L. Lewis had reached agreement with a major group of coal operators the previous night and details of the compromise were being rushed to print by lawyers, effectively ending the coal strike. Only the Southern operators had yet to come to terms. The details of the agreement were not yet disclosed but it was said that the miners had acquired most but not all of their demands. Coal mining operations were expected to resume Monday.

In response to the resolution of the strike, both houses of Congress called off efforts to formulate a bill, in response to the President's urging, to authorize seizure of the coal industry. Some efforts were continuing in the Senate to draft a bill for an emergency. The President said that he would now only press for legislation to have a study commission assess the ills of the coal industry, and Congressional efforts in that regard had begun.

In Paris, Communist Party members of the National Assembly used fists, filibuster, and sit-down strikes on the floor to try to block a measure which would authorize use of Government troops to unload ships containing military cargoes. The Assembly, however, finally placed a gag on debate of the measure. The legislation was designed to meet threatened strikes against unloading of U.S. arms shipments for France as a member of NATO. Critics of the arms shipments believed it was bringing the country closer to war with Russia.

The Senate Judiciary Committee voted 8 to 1 to approve a bill, sponsored by Senator Karl Mundt of South Dakota, requiring registration of Communist and Communist-front organizations. Senator William Langer of North Dakota was the only vote against the measure. The bill would now go to the Senate. It defined Communism as a conspiracy to overthrow the Government and set up a dictatorship in its stead. The bill also would bar Communists from holding Government jobs and obtaining passport visas.

The State Department refused to acquiesce to a request by the Hungarian Government that it reduce further its legation staff in Budapest, which the State Department said it had already reduced in response to Hungarian Government harassment of staff. The Hungarian request was motivated by the charges of spying by the legation staff brought out during the trial of American businessman Robert Vogeler, convicted of spying and sentenced to fifteen years in prison. The State Department had labeled the charges against Mr. Vogeler and the legation as "preposterous falsehoods".

Columnist Bruce Barton finds that while Americans romanticized too much about everything from love to hot dogs, they should be deadly serious about war. He suggests that World Wars I and II actually had been III and IV, the first having been the European "Seven Years War", which included the French and Indian War in America, resulting, with British assistance, in exclusion of the French from American shores. The second great war was the American Revolution in this country, which, with French help, resulted in exclusion of the British.

He finds that the last profitable wars ever to be waged were the Mexican-American War, acquiring the American Southwest and California, and the British war in South Africa, acquiring diamond and gold mines.

The Spanish-American War of 1898 had been fought on the principle of the "devil theory", enunciated by historian Charles Beard, that when another country was doing bad things, it became the duty of the good country to fight them. The Spanish had been perceived as doing bad things in Cuba. The outcome was acquisition of the Philippines, Puerto Rico and a general mortgage on Cuba. But these islands had masses of poor people for which the country then became responsible, and so the victory had cost the country billions of dollars, an expense continuing into 1950.

He regards, on this analysis, World Wars III and IV to be wars, practically speaking, which no side had won. The British, French and Germans had only been shooting at each other as potential trade customers, mutually harming their economies. The U.S. was then left holding the bag to pay for restoration of that trade and self-sustaining economies in Europe, to achieve again world balance.

World War V, if it were to occur, he posits, would wipe out all global progress of the prior 150 years and throw Russia back into barbarism.

He concludes that while such thoughts were unpopular, he preferred to speak of a war which it was wise to avoid, as it was one which the country would not lose but also could not possibly win.

In Detroit, police prepared to dig up the basement floor of a suburban home of a bride who had married a "lonely hearts" bridegroom from Texas, who had disappeared a year earlier. The search was designed to locate the remains of the groom, as neighbors reported large pieces of concrete having been carried by the daughters of the bride from the basement to a barn behind the house and, according to the woman's previous second husband, a pile of lumber covered a basement hole around which a large dog was chained.

In Raleigh, a member of the State Utilities Commission, who had resigned, disputed Governor Kerr Scott's criticism of the Commission for being too slow to extend telephone and electrical service to rural areas, saying that its action would have been no faster regardless of who was Governor. The member was the cousin of former State Treasurer Charles Johnson who had run against Mr. Scott in the gubernatorial primary, and Mr. Scott had charged that this relation had led to a conflict of interest causing the slowdown. The Governor meanwhile appointed a replacement member who was sworn in the previous Wednesday after declaring allegiance to the Governor prior to the ceremony.

Duke Power Co. was reported to have accepted a compromise proposal for appointment of fact-finding board members to avert a threatened strike of bus drivers in six cities served by Duke buses. The Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen representing the drivers was still considering the proposal submitted by the mayors of the six affected cities.

Frigid weather continued in the Northeast, with 17 below zero recorded in Albany, N.Y., and in points in Maine and Michigan, with the mercury reaching 14 in New York, 15 in Pittsburgh, and 18 in Roanoke, Va., while most of the rest of the country, including Billings, Mont., enjoyed spring-like weather.

Part of chapter ten of The Greatest Story Ever Told appears on the page as part of the serialization by The News of the book published the previous year.

On the editorial page, "Quibbling Over Details" addresses the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, representing the Duke Power Co. bus drivers, being at odds thus far with management regarding determination of how a 60-day fact-finding board would be appointed. It finds the dispute to be minor in that both sides would have ample opportunity to contest the findings after the board issued its report, neither side having bound itself to the findings and recommendations. It hopes that both sides could reach agreement and not let this trivial objection intercede to the public's disadvantage in the six cities, including Charlotte, which depended on Duke buses for public transportation.

"The Coal Strike Ends" finds that the end of the coal strike being effected by the President's announcement that he was seeking from Congress legislation to seize the coal mines and operate them, had rendered Taft-Hartley a nullity. The Federal court had been rendered helpless under the law by the fact of the miners continuing to strike on their own, despite directives from John L. Lewis and UMW locals for them to return to work in compliance with the court's temporary restraining order of February 11, ending the strike. The court had found earlier in the week that its contempt citation had thus not been sustained by the Government at trial.

Even had the President seized the mines, it suggests, the effort might have only stiffened the backs of the miners the more while also angering the operators.

The actions of the miners had affected workers in many other dependent industries.

The President, it posits, had accomplished, through delay and propaganda, that which he had not been able to do the prior year through legislation, effective repeal of Taft-Hartley. It finds that while labor might thank him for his actions, the President's stock had dropped considerably with the people generally, who found his efforts weak in the face of a strike which had caused hardship through the first three months of winter, especially after the weather had turned colder in the past month, and generally felt insecure against violent, irresponsible strikes which endangered the health, safety, and welfare of the nation, as had this coal strike.

Damned if he did and damned if he didn't, in the eyes of the Saturday News.

"Come Now, Governor Scott" finds the ongoing dispute between Governor Kerr Scott and the State Utilities Commission, regarding their sloth in extending telephone and electrical lines further into rural areas, to be somewhat problematic for the fact that four of the five commissioners had been appointed by the Governor in his first year in office.

A piece from the Greenville (Miss.) Delta Democrat-Times, titled "How Come an AA Chapter?" wonders how it was that an Alcoholics Anonymous chapter had been established in Greenville, with an active membership, when the state of Mississippi was dry.

Drew Pearson, after sending open letters to Secretary of State Acheson and Secretary of Defense Johnson earlier in the week, sends one now to President Truman. In it, he encloses a letter from a longshoreman who had been loading onto ships toys for the American Legion Tide of Toys drive, to provide post-Christmas toys for the children of Europe, finding the job most satisfactory.

Mr. Pearson then goes on to laud the effort of the American Legion for its generation of good will among the children of Europe, who might, from the resultant affect engendered by the campaign, one day recoil at being challenged to fight the U.S. It would be hard to fight Santa Claus.

He likewise praises the efforts of Italian Americans who had written letters to relatives in Italy during the elections there, encouraging them not to vote for the Communists, as well the sending of food and clothing via the American Friendship Train of late 1947 and the French Merci Train to America, containing French goods as gifts for each of the 48 states, generated as an expression of thanks for the Friendship Train.

These outpourings of spontaneous volunteer effort by Americans, Mr. Pearson suggests, were helping to break down the Iron Curtain in ways that diplomacy and other Government action could not. He tells the President that the American people, in so doing, were seeking more information, leadership, and guidance, and were looking to him for it.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop discuss the charges brought by Senator Joseph McCarthy that there were 57 or 81 or 205 or 207 Communists within the State Department, and the investigation of the charge by a Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee. The State Department was confident that the charge would be shown to be bunk and that Senator McCarthy would be so thoroughly shown up as using the charge for political fodder that no one else would start down such a road in the future.

The Senator had charged that there was a "big three" coterie of Communists in the Department, in charge of recruitment of others. But of the three so claimed, none proved valid. John Carter Vincent, the only person he had named of the three, formerly chief of the Far Eastern division and presently assigned as American Minister to Switzerland, was supposedly responsible, according to a story attributed to a former general by the Senator, for papers reaching the Kremlin before reaching their official destination. Yet, the general, according to State Department files, had said that the story was false. The State Department, after exhaustive inquiry, had found the claim to be "unadulterated hogwash".

A second of the "big three" was a woman who had once worked for Voice of America, but had quit two years earlier. A Government loyalty check had cleared her. The woman, not named, had indicated intent to sue the Senator if he dared repeat the charge off the Senate floor where he had immunity.

The third of the alleged triumvirate was a young lawyer who was presently working as a special assistant to an Assistant Secretary of State, and, according to the Senator, was known to have contacted a member of an espionage group. But it turned out that the contact in question with a probable Communist was done on orders of the man's superiors in the Department, and with their full knowledge.

So, the Department was convinced that unless Senator McCarthy came up with new information, the charges would be easily debunked as nonsense.

The President supported the Department but had agreed to cooperate with the subcommittee and provide the loyalty files on the persons in question, to be done at a White House meeting.

The Alsops conclude that while internal security was a serious issue, as evidenced by the Hiss and Fuchs cases, charges as those of Senator McCarthy, in the end, only served the interests of the Communists by being patently false.

Robert C. Ruark remarks on the news that the hydrogen bomb could produce fallout which could wipe out life on the planet, finding it, as a means of waging war, disconcerting vis-à-vis the old swashbuckling, close-combat style of Rafael Sabatini's Captain Blood. He regards nuclear scientists as not being able to defeat a husky Girl Scout in hand-to-hand combat. The scientists would be out of place with cutlass in teeth, swinging from the rigging of a tall ship.

The useless, bloody combat of old, he concludes, seemed somehow civilized by comparison to this modern form of warfare, setting afire or poisoning the entire world. The new version was as "dull as dishwater", in contrast to the excitement aroused by the former form.

Tom Schlesinger of The News provides his weekly "Capital Roundup" from Washington, telling of there already being two Smiths in the Senate and three Joneses in the House, and that another Mr. Smith might soon be going to Washington—Willis Smith, who had just entered the North Carolina Senate race against interim incumbent Senator Frank Graham. Mr. Smith was regarded as a more potent threat to Senator Graham's incumbency than offered by former Senator Robert Rice Reynolds. Observers agreed that a runoff primary would be required to determine the winner in the spring.

Senator Clyde Hoey appeared to lean toward support of the new displaced persons bill, found it not to be discriminatory toward any minority. But Senator Graham had been among three Senators in committee who voted against it on that basis.

Representative Carl Durham, vice-chairman of the Joint Atomic Energy Committee, agreed with the President and top State Department officials that there was no prospect that Russia and the Western powers could agree on a system of atomic energy control and inspection of plants. His views contradicted those of the Committee chairman, Senator Brien McMahon of Connecticut, who favored a conference of NATO foreign ministers to make a proposal to be presented before a U.N. Assembly meeting in Moscow.

During a hearing on whether low-cost cigarette manufacturers should pay less tax than the standard brands, House Ways & Means Committee chairman Robert Doughton of North Carolina challenged the makers to produce a better cigarette if they wanted to compete with the major brands, to which the producers responded that they had passed blind comparison tests and dared anyone disputing it to take the challenge. There were no takers.

Southern strategy meetings regarding the planned Senate filibuster of the FEPC bill excluded Senators Claude Pepper of Florida, Estes Kefauver of Tennessee, and Frank Graham of North Carolina, for their opposition to a filibuster—though in the case of Senator Graham, probable opposition to the bill as being a force bill, though supportive of the principle of equal employment opportunity. The prospect of an FEPC bill allowing for only voluntary compliance, as passed by the House, however, had dimmed the likelihood of a successful filibuster. Notwithstanding the fact, Senator Hoey believed that the measure would never reach a vote on the floor.

The bill had been passed in the House in the wee hours pursuant to a special rule allowing two hours of debate each Wednesday on measures stuck in committee. The North Carolina delegation had uniformly opposed it. Spectators had crammed the galleries to view the historic proceedings and two had to be escorted out for being inebriated.

Now that the bill had passed, it was a relief even to its opponents, as no other work could be accomplished on Wednesdays while it was hanging fire.

Senator Graham, the shortest Senator in Congress, had been booked for an interview on radio's "Meet the Press" later in the month.

Senator Hoey was relieved when the Senate Foreign Relations Committee reluctantly undertook the task of investigating Senator McCarthy's charges of Communists in the Government, rather than leaving it to the Investigating Committee.

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