The Charlotte News

Monday, May 23, 1949


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Big Four Council of Foreign Ministers meeting in Paris got underway this date to discuss Germany, whether it would be unified, Berlin's dual currency issues, the peace treaty for Germany and preparations for Austrian independence. The first session had lasted for 2.5 hours, until 6:30 p.m. local time. It was the sixth meeting overall of the Council and the fourth on Germany.

At the same time the meeting convened, the West German Constitution went into effect. The new provisional government was expected to begin operation by mid-July.

Theodore Newton, Jr., of Charlotte, one of the two UNC students who had informed of UNC physics graduate student Hans Freistadt being a Communist attending the University on a scholarship from the Atomic Energy Commission, said that he had informed AEC chairman David Lilienthal of Mr. Freistadt's status on April 23, two weeks before Congress learned of it through UNC junior J. R. Cherry, Jr., also of Charlotte, who told Senator Clyde Hoey of the matter in a letter. Mr. Newton, also a junior, majoring in commerce, said that he had received no reply from Mr. Lilienthal and so alerted columnist Walter Winchell and radio commentator Fulton Lewis, Jr., of the issue. Mr. Winchell did not reply. Mr. Lewis said that he was checking the story. The latter then gave a broadcast on the story on May 10. On May 12, Senator Hoey informed the Senate of the matter.

Senator Bourke Hickenlooper of Iowa demanded the resignation of Mr. Lilienthal the previous day and Senator Brien McMahon of Connecticut announced that the joint Senate-House Atomic Energy Committee would investigate the charges cited by Senator Hickenlooper as grounds, apparently based on the scholarship awarded to Mr. Freistadt and testimony that a small amount of uranium had gone missing from a national laboratory in Chicago during the previous February.

In Chapel Hill, the UNC Board of Trustees was getting ready to consider whether to require a loyalty oath for professors, mandating that they state that they were not Communists.

Mr. Freistadt, a part-time graduate physics instructor at the University, stated that he was willing to take a loyalty oath but would not renounce his Communist Party membership even it meant loss of his AEC fellowship. The AEC had determined during the weekend to require a loyalty oath of all scholarship recipients. He again stated that he was never asked about loyalty prior to receipt of the scholarship and further indicated his belief that he had formed a contract with AEC in accepting the scholarship, not susceptible therefore to unilateral breach by AEC.

Former Speaker of the State House of Representatives, Odus Mull of Shelby, the hometown of Senator Hoey, said in a letter to the chairman of the Board of Trustees that he favored withdrawal of the part-time teaching position from Mr. Freistadt—an action which UNC chancellor Robert House would undertake the following day.

James Forrestal, 57, former Secretary of the Navy from May, 1944 through September, 1947 and then Secretary of Defense from that point until latter March, 1949, had apparently committed suicide during the early morning hours of Sunday by jumping or falling from a 16th floor window of Bethesda Naval Hospital to which he had been committed for mental issues on April 2. Previous information released by Drew Pearson both in his column and on his weekly radio broadcast suggested four prior suicide attempts by Mr. Forrestal, one of which had been stopped only two weeks earlier. The April 2 commitment took place shortly after his resignation as Secretary of Defense, following his vacation in Hobe Sound, Florida, where he had stayed at the home of former Undersecretary of State Robert Lovett. At that time, Mr. Forrestal was said to be suffering from the delusion that the Russians were invading the United States.

Mr. Forrestal left no note behind, but a book of poems, An Anthology of World Poetry, edited by Mark Van Doren, with a holographic partial transcription of Sophocles's Chorus of Ajax from Ajax, as contained in the book, leaving off half way through the word "nightingale", were found in Mr. Forrestal's room. The poem, as translated in the collection, contains the later lines, "Better to die, and sleep,/ The never-waking sleep, than linger on/ And dare to live, when the soul's life is gone". Thus the holograph was suggested by reports as possibly an indirect suicide note or at least a means of peering into the mind of the former Secretary of Defense in his latter days and hours.

The Navy convened a Board of Inquiry into the death. At one point during the Board's subsequent examination of Captain George Raines, the chief of neuropsychiatry at the Hospital and the primary psychiatrist attending Mr. Forrestal from just prior to his admission on April 2 through May 18, the following colloquy occurred:

Q. Did Mister Forrestal make any attempts at suicide while he was under your care?

A. None whatsoever. The matter of suicide in Hobe Sound, [Fla.,] he told Doctor [William] Menninger that he had attempted to hang himself with a belt. Menninger and I were both very skeptical of that and both he and I were of the opinion it was sort of a nightmare. The man had no marks on him and there was no broken belt. Very frequently a depressed person has a fantasy of dying and reports it as real. So far as I know he never made a single real attempt at suicide except that one that was successful. He was the type of individual, fast as lightning, of extremely high intelligence and one reason I doubt previous attempts. I knew if he decided to do it he would do it and nobody would stop him. He was a boxer in college and his movements, even when depressed, were so quick you could hardly follow them with your eye. In the course of psychotherapy he talked a great deal about his suicide; he would tell me when he was feeling hopeless and had to do away with himself. At those times we would tighten restrictions. He would tell me in symbolic language. One morning he sent me a razor blade which he had concealed. When I interviewed him I said, "What does this mean?" He said, "It means I am not going to kill myself with a razor blade." Of course, he had the blade and could have done it. A man of that intelligence can kill himself at any time he desired and you can't very well stop him. He is my first personal suicide since nineteen thirty-six, thirteen years ago. The last one was on a locked ward at St. Elizabeth's Hospital under immediate supervision of an attendant. We discussed, whenever he felt badly enough, he would talk about the possibilities of killing himself and I am sure that when I left here on the eighteenth [of May] he had no intention at that time of harming himself.

Q. Had he, in the course of your interviews, either symbolically or otherwise, suggested his method if he committed suicide?

A. Yes, I am sure he didn't jump out of the window. My interviews with him were for one to three hours a day over a period of eight weeks; canít go into all the material that makes me think that but by the time he had been here four weeks I was certain there were only two methods he would use because he had told me, one was sleeping pills. He said that was the one way he could do it and the other was by hanging which made us feel somewhat more comfortable about the period of risk, knowing that he wasn't going out one of the windows. I haven't gone into all the details of what happened, but personally feel he tried to hang himself. I don't think he jumped; he may have; don't think it was out the window; think he meant to hang. For some time he had had complete access to the open windows in the residents' room and for a short period of time he even slept in there for two or three nights. There were two beds in the residents' room and he would sleep in one of those until about three o'clock and then go back to his own bed. That was the one thing that puzzled me, when [Dr. John Nardini, left in primary charge of Mr. Forrestal after May 18,] called me, as to what had happened; I couldn't believe it because of the window, until I got back and found out about the bathrobe cord [found tied around Mr. Forrestal's neck].

... A. I talked to Doctor [David] Hightower last night and was glad to hear him say spontaneously and not just in agreement with me that he felt that this was an impulsive thing of sudden origin, but one of the main evidences is the complete absence of any suicidal note or expression of suicidal intent in any way. He left no message at all except this poem which I am sure was meant for me and was not a portion of the suicide. That is to say, I think he was simply writing that out to demonstrate how badly he felt. People who contemplate suicide almost invariably leave some note to someone and usually someone close. The absence of some note would make me feel this was a very impulsive act of the moment. Mister Forrestal was still being carried under DU [diagnosis undetermined] Medical Observation but the psychiatric diagnosis was reactive depression. Clinically, the depression was of mixed type but in the present nomenclature the best diagnostic term applicable is Reactive Depression. There were very strong reactive elements in it. It is the type of depression which we saw very frequently during the war; sixty to ninety day depressions in reaction to excessive work or complete change in a manís life. He had reached a point at which the entire life had to reoriented with giving up of his job as Defense Secretary which he knew was coming some time back. Everything had to be changed; his whole method of living which had gone on for about nine years and at his age that sort of rearrangement is a difficult task. Many people go through this sort of thing in lesser degree. His, I think, was especially severe because he was worn out.

Friends stated in this day's reports that Mr. Forrestal had overworked himself during his government tenure since 1940. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., said that he was a "shining example of selflessness and high faith." Representative Hale Boggs of Louisiana—later a member of the Warren Commission in 1964—stated that Mr. Forrestal had been the victim of Washington's "most devastating weapons", words, that he had been "subjected to a campaign of abuse and vilification" by the press and radio, the like of which he had never seen. The President said that he was "as truly a casualty of the war as if he had died on the firing line."

Mr. Forrestal would be buried with full military honors at Arlington National Cemetery the following Wednesday.

Two and half years hence, in October, 1951, Mr. Forrestal's secret diary, which he had requested be kept at the White House for safekeeping, was released by his estate, excerpts of which were published in Life. Notably, he referenced conversations in late 1945 with former Ambassador to Britain Joseph P. Kennedy regarding Mr. Kennedy's views on the start of the war with Germany, that Germany would have attacked Russia only and left France and Britain alone had not Ambassador to France William Bullitt placed pressure on FDR to intervene in the summer of 1939 regarding the Danzig Corridor, access to which was demanded by Hitler, ultimately Hitler's pretext for invasion of Poland on September 1.

President Kennedy would visit Mr. Forrestal's grave when he was at Arlington for Memorial Day services on May 30, 1963.

Over the years, various theories have arisen regarding Mr. Forrestal's death, that he was murdered by Communists or by Government operatives to keep him quiet about his differences with the Administration on foreign policy or even regarding his supposed objection to closing off Project Bluebook which explored the national security issues surrounding the various sightings of flying saucers in 1947. None of these theories have any evidentiary basis whatsoever and indulge in fanciful notions, starting with the always fallacious premise post hoc, ergo propter hoc, completely ignoring the facts as presented at the time of his death, claiming, conveniently, that all of these facts were manufactured by the Government as part of a cover-up for Government complicity in his death.

Even aside from the preposterous motive for murdering a former Secretary of Defense who had suffered a nervous breakdown, these theories do not bother to explain how a murderer would have gotten onto the 16th floor of Bethesda Naval Hospital and out again without being spotted, leaving the presumption that such a person would have necessarily been one of the staff. Who? How? For what possible purpose? given that Mr. Forrestal, even had he evidenced a desire to say something of note to the world, as he did not, would not have been given much, if any, serious attention by the public or press by the time of his death. The autopsy, incidentally, revealed no signs of asphyxia or strangulation.

While fitting well those who believe the "Government" is a well-coordinated, nearly robotic machine out to gobble up every citizen it encounters or who gets in its way, not realizing the while that such ascribes to the "Government" coordinated efficiency of which Government officials can only dream, and especially those who would wish to limit that imagined "Government" juggernaut to Democratic administrations out to silence recalcitrant Republicans as Mr. Forrestal, there is simply no evidence to support such theories beyond the realm of pure speculation, some venturing into the realm of lunacy.

While there is room for belief that Mr. Forrestal may have accidentally fallen from the window, the more probable conclusion is that he had reached a state of mental exhaustion over time and took his own life while in a semi-delusional state of mind, possibly falling out the window as he sought to hang himself. Whether his condition was exacerbated by some of the revelations in the press in the weeks immediately preceding his death, regarding his stance as Secretary of Defense against breaking up the old German cartels which had led to the start of the war and his former Wall Street firm, Dillon, Read, having arranged loans to Nazi Germany prior to the war, or by the reports of his nervous breakdown, cannot be known.

On that point, Dr. Raines testified to the Board of Inquiry regarding his observations on the matter during each week of the treatment process:

A. As near as I could tell the increasing depression in Mister Forrestal's case towards the end of the week was rather directly related to his fear of further attacks by certain commentators who broadcast on Sunday evening [which included Drew Pearson and Walter Winchell]. It so happened that these two individuals had been particularly vicious in their personal attacks and he was extremely sensitive about further attacks from them. He was so sensitive about these broadcasts that he refused to listen to them himself but asked that I keep an accurate record of what they said. As he improved he was quite disturbed, and reasonably so, over one Sunday night broadcast which had alleged that he was wildly insane and distorted in his judgment while still a member of the Cabinet. The content of that particular broadcast, which I recorded, had no basis whatsoever, in fact. Mister Forrestal found that particular broadcast an especially hard one to deal with, as he got better, because there seemed to be no way in which it could accurately be disposed of by him. The most difficult single problem in the management of the case was the wild attitude of certain sections of the press. Mister Forrestal was kept isolated from contacts as a part of his treatment. It was our belief that he needed at least two months of rather complete freedom from contact, even with his friends, to permit a good recovery. His friends and family were totally cooperative in this as they had been in all stages of treatment. Certain sections of the press, unfortunately, were not.

...Q. Did Mister Forrestal listen to the radio?

A. Yes.

Q. Did Mister Forrestal listen to the broadcasts of the commentators that you previously mentioned?

A. No.

Q. Was this information as given by the commentators transmitted to Mister Forrestal by you and if so, to what degree?

A. He had access to it through the newspapers and he and I discussed what he had read but I can't say how much I transmitted to him. He had free access to incoming mail, newspapers, books and there was a great deal of comment about one of the broadcasts which occurred after Mister Forrestal's admission to the hospital. The comment was editorial and in various syndicated columns.

As we noted a few months ago, the death of former State Department official Laurence Duggan had occurred the previous December 20 in the same manner, falling from a 16th floor office window, in his case shortly after he had been implicated by a HUAC witness testifying in executive session that confessed Communist spy Whittaker Chambers had described Mr. Duggan as having provided to him secret Government information. Mr. Chambers, after Mr. Duggan's death caused the matter to become public, denied having related any such thing to the witness and said that Mr. Duggan was not a spy. His death was also labeled a suicide or possibly an accidental fall. The fact that both deaths, taking place just five months apart, occurred in the same manner and from the 16th floor of a building, albeit one in New York and the other in Bethesda, Md., strongly suggests that Mr. Forrestal deliberately chose his means of death.

Nor is there anything of special symbolic significance to be read into President Kennedy's visit to the grave of Mr. Forrestal on May 30, 1963, beyond a poignant paying of respect to a man who was a friend of his father and whom the President as a young man obviously had admired. That visit preceded by less than a month the President's visit to West Berlin, and, pointedly, the Berlin Wall, in late June through early July, 1963. There is no record of the President revisiting the grave when he was at Arlington for the last time, on Veteran's Day, November 11, 1963.

In New York, the perjury trial of Alger Hiss was again continued, this time until May 31. The Government did not object to the motion by defense counsel. The trial had been continued several times because of illness of the lead U.S. Assistant Attorney prosecuting the case. It had originally been set for February 24 following indictment of Mr. Hiss on December 13 by the New York grand jury on the last day of its term, following immediately the testimony of Congressman Richard Nixon of HUAC and HUAC investigator Robert Strickland, the latter explaining the recent discovery on the Maryland farm of Whittaker Chambers in December of the "pumpkin papers", secret documents allegedly given to Mr. Chambers by Mr. Hiss for microfilming while the latter was employed as an attorney at the State Department over a decade earlier, after the documents had been hidden away for the interim decade in a dumbwaiter shaft at the house of Mr. Chambers's nephew in Brooklyn.

The House Appropriations Committee, overriding a subcommittee recommendation, ordered a 15 percent cut, 629 million dollars, in Marshall Plan aid for the coming fiscal year. The full appropriation sought for the last quarter of the fiscal year through June was approved.

Tom Fesperman of The News tells of Governor Kerr Scott, during a stopover in Charlotte, urging that oil and gas prices in the state be placed under the regulatory power of the State Utilities Commission by the next Legislature in 1951.

In Ocean Drive Beach, S.C., the pigeon squab plant of a local theater owner was causing interest. The man had engaged in the pigeon industry on the side.

On page 2-A, radio critic John Crosby relates of a chat with radio announcer Pat Kelly who indicated that young announcers in 1949 could not get the hang of spoken English.

On the editorial page, "A Plague on Both, Etc." tells of the running battle between Governor Scott and the Petroleum Institute regarding his contingent one-cent increase in the gasoline tax to help pay for the rural roads program should it be approved by the voters on June 4.

The Governor had become angry at the oil companies for recently raising prices a half cent per gallon. He had sparred further with the Institute regarding Northern experts being sent to North Carolina to try to suggest how the state ought be run, while the Institute responded that Northern bond attorneys had been hired by the State to help draw up the roads referendum bill.

But all of that was beside the point. The real issue, counsels the piece, was raising taxes to pay for the 200 million dollar bond issue if it passed. The gas tax increase would then automatically be implemented as well.

"Four Big Questions" discusses the meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers in Paris beginning this date. Four major questions would be unification of Germany, withdrawal of occupation troops, Russia's participation in the industrial Ruhr, and economic relations between East and West.

The last meeting had been in the fall of 1947 in London when Secretary of State Marshall could not agree with Foreign Minister V. M. Molotov on the type of government to be established in a unified Germany, Secretary Marshall favoring a decentralized government and Mr. Molotov favoring a strong central government.

Since that earlier conference, the Soviet blockade of Berlin had been established and, after ten months, lifted eleven days earlier, and the new West German state had been created. NATO had also been formed. It was believed that these developments now portended Russian cooperation on such matters as unification under the just ratified West German constitution, the extension of the Marshall Plan into Eastern Germany, etc.

As yet, no one knew exactly what the agenda on each side would be.

"Musings at Morningtime" complains of the daily routine of shaving, recalls the New World Book Encyclopedia entry on the subject, that primitive man pulled his stubble out with a hunting knife for the sake of romance, thus becomes resigned to return to the grind of "scritch, scritch, scritch."

A piece from the Greensboro Daily News, titled "Government Proposes", finds the notion advanced by the Raleigh News & Observer, that authority to regulate production was a sine qua non for permanent aid to farmers, to have an analogue in the regulation of birth of schoolchildren as antecedent to regulation of the schools.

It points out that Josephus Daniels, deceased former publisher and editor of the News & Observer, had, while Ambassador to Mexico from 1933-41, advocated birth control, only to return to North Carolina bragging about its high birth rate.

Drew Pearson tells of Secretary of State Dean Acheson starting the Paris meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers with four basic premises: that the U.S. owed Russia nothing for lifting the blockade because it had been wrong to impose it in the first instance; that with Russia appearing willing to cooperate, there would be a genuine effort to reciprocate; that the Eastern zone should be joined with the Western zones in a democratic republic per the newly ratified West German constitution, with a four-power supervised general election; and that an allied control council would be established to inspect for the possible re-establishment of armament factories in Germany.

A more complex question was posed by the inevitability that Russian Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky would propose that all troops be withdrawn by the four powers. But Russian troops would have the advantage of being able to re-enter Germany at will, whereas American troops would be withdrawn across the Atlantic.

State Department planner and chief architect of the Marshall Plan George Kennan had studied the matter and proposed that American and British troops pull back to Hamburg and Bremen and that French troops return to the French border. The Joint Chiefs, however, disapproved of that plan. They proposed removal of British and American troops from the German population centers, that Western allied troops be stationed on both banks of the Rhine, and that a German constabulary force be trained by allied instructors to maintain order in the evacuated areas. That latter plan had been adopted as official U.S. policy and would be proposed in counter by Secretary of State Acheson should the Russians propose evacuation of all troops.

But the French would not agree to such a plan and the U.S. was busy trying to alter that position.

The Democratic leaders in the Senate had determined not to recess until the NATO pact had been ratified, the Taft-Hartley issues resolved, and revision to reciprocal trade agreements legislation determined, probably to take until late July.

The President would likely take a tour of the country during the summer and call a special session of Congress in October.

Senators received priority on Senate elevators by buzzing three times. Only Senator Garrett Withers of Kentucky eschewed the special privilege and politely waited his turn.

Edward McGinnis, former Senate sergeant-at-arms under the Republicans, had returned to Capitol Hill to lobby against increased whiskey taxes. After several weeks of buttonholing Senators on the matter, he had finally registered as a lobbyist.

Black doctors were unhappy with the medical lobby against the national health bill because while being excluded from the D.C. Medical Society for their race, they were nevertheless being asked to pay the $25 per member assessment to fund the lobbying effort against the program.

Joseph Alsop tells of U.S. Far Eastern policy having floated as driftwood for four years since the war, with the disastrous results in China. But at least the result had led to a decision to formulate a clear policy on the Far East, with the blessing of the President. The policy was as yet undetermined. It would likely not try to save the remains of non-Communist China, as that was now far too difficult.

But it would ultimately entail not allowing any of the rest of Asia to fall into the Soviet sphere without protest from the U.S. The loss of China directly threatened all of Southeast Asia. If Indo-China, Siam, Malaya, Burma, and Indonesia fell to the Communists, then Japan and India could follow. So a line had to be drawn somewhere to stop that process, making the present a turning point, just as had the Truman Doctrine in 1947 drawn a line with respect to Greece and Turkey in the Balkans.

He asserts that the places to watch for this line to be drawn, were Indo-China, the political key to Southeast Asia, and Formosa, the strategic key to the U.S. line of defense in the Pacific, that formed by Japan, Okinawa, and the Philippines.

The reason for the lateness of such a defined policy was that during the period 1941-44, General Joseph Stilwell and several of the most influential members of the Far Eastern division of the State Department were waging a battle against the Government of Chiang Kai-Shek. While that battle ended with the replacement of General Stilwell by General Albert Wedemeyer, the effects of it lingered and the Far Eastern division of State continued to oppose aid to the Chiang Kai-Shek Government. General Stilwell was supported by then Army chief of staff General George Marshall and then Secretary of War Henry Stimson. Their views on China were shaped by General Stilwell during the period 1941-44. General Marshall, during his year in 1946 as special envoy to China and from early 1947 to early 1949 as Secretary of State, had remained inflexible in his attitude regarding Nationalist China.

Secretary of State Acheson admired General Marshall and was thus influenced greatly by his opinions. There had been a danger, therefore, that the Far Eastern policy might continue to float but for the fortuity of the shift toward making a decisive policy in the wake of the debacle in China—a change of policy which inevitably would lead the country into two civil wars, that in Korea the following year through 1953 and, gradually, into Vietnam, from the commitment of military advisers from 1958 through August, 1964, steadily escalating thereafter with combat troop involvement until the Paris Peace Accords of January, 1973.

Thus, the question, non-judgmentally, might be asked with objective hindsight: Who was correct? Was there a domino effect, long the prevailing theory, which followed the loss of Vietnam to the Communists?

The problem which Mr. Alsop does not mention, which had been the central point of General Marshall's objection to aid to China after returning from his year as special envoy, was that the Chinese Communists appeared to be far more efficient administrators than the Nationalists, that the Nationalist regime was full of corruption and the Nationalist Army lacked discipline and would lay down arms, American arms, at the first threat of serious battle, surrendering those arms to the hands of the Communists, thus defeating on both grounds of graft and weak discipline of the troops all point in sending aid. The Chiang Government, in short, by all reliable accounts, was as bad or worse than the Communist regime of Mao Tse-Tung, including its repressive tactics toward dissent and democratic weal. At least the Communists were effectively engaging in land reform, breaking up the large estates for the benefit of the peasants.

What then, pray tell, was America supposed to do, take over China as its own satrapy as Britain to India? That was the dilemma which always had an obvious answer.

James Marlow discusses the attempt to balance the budget. The Government debt, primarily accruing from the war, was 251 billion dollars. Now, in the postwar years, the goal was to have a surplus each year to enable paying down that huge debt.

The President in January had said that the proposed 42 billion dollar budget against current revenue would leave a deficit of a billion dollars. Thus, he wanted a four billion dollar tax increase, primarily on corporations and higher income individuals. Instead, Congress wanted to trim the budget.

Added to the budget since January was the proposed military aid for NATO countries of Western Europe. There was also a drop in prices and an increase in unemployment, leaving less revenue to be collected from taxes, estimated to be two billion dollars less than that which the President had estimated in January. That caused Congress to redouble its effort to stress cutting of the budget rather than raising taxes, which could exacerbate a recession.

But the Congress continued to pass spending bill after spending bill without cuts. So, he concludes, if the reader could not figure out what Congress was going to do about cutting expenses, it was alright, as Congress did not seem to know.

He omits the fact that the previous Congress had passed a substantial tax cut over the President's veto, wiping out a surplus.

A letter writer wonders whether the city actually needed the local bond measures which were to be on the ballot for June 11.

A letter writer thinks the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., to New York's Twentieth District to be a step toward despotism, the result of the "spell of Roosevelt" rather than by virtue of merit and policy. He favors casting the name of Roosevelt into "the limbo of forgotten despotism".

You will feel right at home then voting for the 2016 Republican nominee who is going to make America great again—just as it was during the Hoover Administration.

Then we can proudly stand and say: This is the America we want, built on salesmanship, not leadership, with a wall to keep out those not wanted, and rampant unemployment to make the country even less desirable to immigrants, plus appointment of tv judges to the Supreme Court because the President is not informed enough to know the names of anyone else in the law, has a plan for every American to pay in $3,600 for a two-day seminar on making America great again, to make America great again and pay for the wall. And guns, guns for everyone, even Tiny Tim, as part of the new Universal Border Deputies' United Militia, producing an atmosphere, finally, of racial amity and harmony and tingly sweets. The UBDUM's will be riding the Big Airplane, also, to catch the 40 percent who come legally and overstay their visas, will throw them off over there before they ever get on the ground over here.

A letter writer finds the pay-as-you-go advocates to be advocating in fact going nowhere. He favors going forward as you pay, as under Governor Scott's roads and schools programs.

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