The Charlotte News

Thursday, February 3, 1949

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the U.S. stated that it would allow no Russian "peace maneuver" to disrupt the increasing unity of the Western nations. Secretary of State Acheson rejected the offer of Josef Stalin to meet with the President somewhere behind the iron curtain, saying that the offer was only a political maneuver to gain favor internationally. Mr. Acheson said that it would be useless for the President to travel such distance only to reaffirm that which both Russia and the U.S had pledged before the U.N., the commitment to peace. Mr. Acheson blamed the failure to gain a permanent peace on the obstructionism practiced by the Soviets.

The Navy indicated that to meet the President's proposed budget for the coming fiscal year, it would need to deactivate 72 ships and cut its manpower strength by 30,000, plus a five percent reduction in aircraft. Overall, however, the fleet would increase by 15 ships under the budget.

In Budapest, Josef Cardinal Mindszenty told a tribunal trying him for treason that he committed most of the acts with which he was charged but denied ever seeking to overthrow the Communist Government. He was accused along with six other defendants.

The Government of Hungary expelled an American diplomat, Stephen Koczak, stating its suspicion that he was spying.

Oregon Senator Wayne Morse said that the President's labor bill did not have a chance of passage in its current form and would need extensive revision to be acceptable to a majority of the Senate. Meanwhile, a House Labor subcommittee approved, along party lines by a vote of 7 to 5, the repeal of Taft-Hartley and reinstatement of the Wagner Labor Relations Act without change.

Frank Porter Graham, UNC president, serving as an adviser to the Atomic Energy Commission, was labeled a security risk by Congressmen Edward Hebert of Louisiana and John Rankin of Mississippi, both members of HUAC in the previous Congress. Mr. Hebert said that Dr. Graham was found to have helped, directed, or to be a member of 18 organizations deemed by the Attorney General "subversive" or in sympathy with Communists. Mr. Rankin added that there was an active Communist organization operating on the campus of UNC.

We think that the headquarters may have been at the Scuttlebutt.

Whatever the case, Dr. Graham would be appointed by Governor Kerr Scott to the Senate the following month, after the death of Senator J. Melville Broughton.

The U.S. Court of Appeals in Washington ruled in favor of UNC receiving a bequest of 1.5 million dollars from the estate of William Ackland, whose will had originally provided the bequest for a museum of art at Duke, declined by the University. The Court reversed the Federal District Court which had held that Rollins College in Winter Park, Fla., named with UNC as an alternate beneficiary, should receive the bequest. The Court of Appeals ruled that UNC was better positioned to carry out the desires of the testator. The late former Governor O. Max Gardner had been counsel for UNC on the matter before his death in early 1947 as he was preparing to leave New York to take his post as Ambassador to Great Britain. His law firm continued the representation. Mr. Gardner's son said that his father had regarded it as the greatest legal case of his career.

Ackland Art Museum, which deliberately appears as a mausoleum from the exterior, as it is one, bearing the remains of Mr. Ackland—that which Duke had found objectionable—was established on the campus of UNC in 1958 and remains. The old Scuttlebutt, however, is no more. But that which was next door, wherein rumours had it that the interiors for an affair to remember were shot in 1967, still is—as is this.

Emery Wister of The News reports of Judge Wilson Warlick being sworn in after confirmation finally as the Federal District Court Judge for the Western District of North Carolina, a seat to which he had been appointed the previous March but having had his confirmation held up by the previous Republican-controlled Congress.

In Washington, the judge in the case of Mildred Gillars, accused of treason for her Nazi propaganda broadcasts as "Axis Sally" during the war, ruled that the witness who only affirmed his oath to testify truthfully was nevertheless competent to testify. The defense had contended that because the witness stated that he did not believe in rewards or punishments in the hereafter, he was not competent to testify. The witness became the second person to testify that Ms. Gillars had played a role in "Vision of Invasion", a radio dramatization broadcast during the war, alleged as one of the acts of treason. Treason requires under the Constitution that each act be proved by at least two witnesses.

In Cleveland, O., a man complained about the smell of his wife's paints and sought a restraining order from a judge, who issued it pending investigation by the Domestic Relations Bureau. The husband added that his wife did not know how to paint. But she countered that he was not home enough to smell her paints.

In Thomasville, N.C., Dugan Aycock sank his 114th shot on the ninth hole at the Thomasville Country Club to finish his eight-mile "round" for the March of Dimes. That is all it tells us.

We think we have figured out who "Mr. X" was this week: Eliot Ness.

On the editorial page, "Is This the Same Harry?" recalls the President in May, 1946, in an attempt to break the nationwide rail strike after Government takeover of the railroads had failed to do so, having asked Congress for legislation to permit injunctions, loss of seniority of striking workers, drafting of striking rail workers, and criminal penalties of violators. The strike was called off.

A year later, Taft-Hartley was vetoed by the President, despite its grant of authority to seek injunctions to block for 80 days strikes affecting national security, during which period mediation would occur. The President used the provision in two coal strikes, a maritime strike, and an atomic workers strike.

The new legislation to replace Taft-Hartley, would not provide for injunctive relief against a strike but would enable the President to recommend against a strike and appoint an emergency board to investigate during a 30-day cooling off period.

The President, beholding to labor for his election victory, had pulled up short of demanding authority to stop such strikes as there was no provision in the proposed legislation for forcing compliance with the board's or the President's recommendations.

The piece concludes that the change of position by the President was strictly the result of his owing a political debt to labor.

"Boycott in Columbus County" tells of Whiteville, N.C., having voted to allow sale of wine and beer despite the surrounding Columbus County having voted the previous August to prevent sale of wine and beer. In response, the Baptists of the county, having threatened in advance of the election to boycott any Whiteville business selling wine or beer if the referendum passed, vowed to carry through with its threat. The nearest dry town to Whiteville was Lumberton, 39 miles away, and so the Baptists would need do a lot of driving to make good their promise to boycott.

The piece concludes that while the Baptists might obtain a righteous feeling from their actions, they were likely due a lot of hardship in the process.

"In the Family Tradition" finds without merit an attack by Greensboro attorney C. L. Shuping on Jonathan Daniels, Raleigh News & Observer Editor and the likely successor to recently deceased DNC national treasurer Joe Blythe as North Carolina's national Democratic committeeman. Mr. Shuping had attacked the late Josephus Daniels and son Jonathan for having acquired undeserved honors through privilege for over 50 years.

The piece says that Jonathan Daniels had, as had his father as Secretary of the Navy under President Wilson and Ambassador to Mexico under FDR, served the country well. The younger Daniels had been an adviser to FDR and his press secretary during the last two months of the President's life, had been an adviser to President Truman during the late campaign. Thus, the piece concludes, he was well qualified for the position.

A piece from the Atlanta Journal, titled "Florida and the Ku Klux Klan", praises Governor Fuller Warren of Florida for asking the Legislature to outlaw the Klan after it had staged a rally through the streets of Tallahassee. Four of the paraders arrested for having motor vehicles with covered license plates were from Georgia.

The Governor had demonstrated that he held no brief for the Klan and the police had shown that none of their number were secret members. The piece wishes it could say the same for Georgia.

Drew Pearson tells of a parade in New York welcoming the Merci Train from France, bearing gifts in appreciation for the food and clothing delivered by the Friendship Train of November, 1947, the brainchild of Mr. Pearson. A French World War I boxcar was mounted on an Army trailer for display in the parade and the route therefore had to be carefully planned because the streets over the subway system were shell thin. He imparts of additional efforts to accommodate the Merci Train.

Strickland Furniture Company of High Point, N.C., sought an RFC loan to finance construction of a new factory. It was approved but became hamstrung in Washington bureaucracy. Mr. Strickland went to Washington to push it along and found that the main objection to clearance came from a member of the RFC from North Carolina, brother-in-law to former Congressman Frank Hancock of Oxford, N.C. Mr. Strickland then determined to hire Mr. Hancock as his counsel and when he appeared next before the RFC, the $350,000 loan went through with smooth sailing, with a fee to Mr. Hancock of $6,000. Mr. Pearson provides correspondence proving that the relationship of Mr. Hancock to the RFC board member was the key to obtaining approval of the loan.

James Marlow discusses the rejuvenation of the closed shop under the proposed legislation in the new Congress to replace Taft-Hartley and its ban on the closed shop. Several states had passed bans on the closed shop as well, recently upheld by the Supreme Court against challenges for First Amendment violations, violations of due process, and impairment of contracts.

Mr. Marlow presents the arguments for and against the closed shop, stating that the Federal legislation would apply only to businesses operating in interstate commerce, leaving intact state laws applicable to intrastate businesses.

He cautions that though the Democrats were in control of Congress, it remained uncertain whether they would follow the President's desire to wipe out the ban on the closed shop. He notes also that it was likely that the Congress would also eliminate any restrictions on the union shop, permissible within certain limits under Taft-Hartley. The union shop was distinguished from the closed shop by the fact of the former permitting non-union members to be employed in a business, but requiring them to join the union after being hired, whereas the closed shop forbade the hiring of anyone not yet a union member.

Marquis Childs, in Springfield, Ill., discusses new Governor Adlai Stevenson and his commitment to cleaning up the graft and corruption pervading the term of his predecessor Dwight Green, extending back through several gubernatorial administrations. The problem lay in the Illinois Constitution not providing enough authority to the Governor to eliminate corruption. Governor Stevenson wanted to call a state constitutional convention to redraft the 75-year old document. The requirement of a supermajority to make those amendments would, however, make it difficult to achieve. But Governor Stevenson had polled the largest majority in any state election in history, winning by 571,000 votes, and so if anyone could effect the change, he should be able to do so.

Governor Stevenson had stated his support for a state FEPC bill. Illinois, along with New York and New Jersey, plus a pending FEPC in Pennsylvania, demonstrated that the states were taking the lead in trying to eliminate discrimination in the crucial area of employment. The states were serving as an experimental laboratory in this regard.

In Illinois, the primary experiment would be to determine whether Governor Stevenson could bring about decent and reasonably economical government, in dramatic contrast to his predecessor's administration.

A letter writer finds "asinine" the responsive letter of January 31 regarding the previous letter of January 25 which had complimented the March of Dimes work and urged contribution to its annual drive. This writer also praises the March of Dimes and says that he was contributing a second time.

A letter writer finds no parking signs "growing like Jimson weeds" in Charlotte and demands that something be done about the situation.

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