Between 2007 and 2011, the average yearly death rate per 100,000 within the most populous counties in the state was highest in mountainous Buncombe County, embracing Asheville, with a quarter of the population of Mecklenburg, at 219.5. The second highest rate was in Forsyth County, with 36 percent of the Mecklenburg population, at 194. Guilford County had a rate of 172.3 and Durham County, a rate of 156. Cumberland County, embracing Fayetteville and part of Fort Bragg, had a rate of 155.9. The lowest rate within the most populous counties, i.e., those encapsulating a large urban area and having more than a quarter million population, was in Wake County, second most populous in the state with 99 percent of the Mecklenburg population, at 118.5.
Mecklenburg, in that period, had an average death rate from cancer of 130.7. The rate for 1947, based on the 1950 population, was 69.7 per 100,000, thus 53 percent of the 2007-2011 average rate. Why would that be? Why would Wake County have a significantly lower rate of death from cancer than that of Mecklenburg, with a nearly identical number of people? Yet, the more fundamental query remains in why the rate in Mecklenburg has nearly doubled since 1947, presumably a rough rate of increase to be found throughout the state.
"The Canal Needs Protection" comments on the finding
by HUAC chairman J. Parnell Thomas that the Panama Canal Zone was
threatened by Communists and had inadequate defenses, with only
6,000 U.S. troops present. The recent violence in Bogota and other
violence in Rio de Janeiro, both uprisings attributed to Communists, tended to
provide credence to the concern, even if the source was given to
undue alarm regarding Communist threats.
The editorial thinks that added security for the Canal Zone was
thus a proper move.
A piece from the
Christian Science Monitor, "Man and
Machine", discusses the new machines, including the mechanical
hands to perform tasks via an optical control system. But no machine
could compose prose or poetry or write Scripture.
"Mechanistic humanity trembles before its own machines.
Man's final conquest of nature awaits upon his conquest of himself."
Drew Pearson tells of the Army in 1940 asking Congress for only
six B-17's. Now, the President was siding with Secretary of Defense
Forrestal, favoring a strong Army and Navy, while Congress was
siding with Air Force Secretary Stuart Symington, wanting a strong
Air Force. Mr. Pearson provides the abrupt behind-the-scenes
exchange between Secretary Symington and Secretary Forrestal over
their differing strategies.
General Carl Spaatz, chief of staff of the Air Force, had stated
that the proposed increases in Air Force strength would magnify its
size by 50 percent in the coming year. The new B-29's had a payload
capacity of five times that of the original Superfortresses of 1944,
and the expected range would be 7,000 miles compared to the present
4,100 miles, with a demonstrated 5,000-mile range with lower
payloads.
He next suggests that the Congress investigate Dr. Vespasien
Palla of Rumania, who had worked for the Fascist Antonescu
Government which had declared war on the U.S., slaughtered 300,000
Jews and sent their bodies to the I. G. Farben soap factories. He
now worked for the Communist Government of Rumania. Nevertheless, he
had obtained a visa to visit the U.S. and had consulted with the
State Department.
The U.S. then had suddenly switched its position on culpability
for genocide, that only governments, and not individual leaders,
could be held responsible. He believes that it deserved the same
attention which the switch on the partition of Palestine had
received.
Samuel Grafton discusses Senator Arthur Vandenberg as a possible
candidate for the Republican nomination, though undeclared and
specifically having stated that he was not interested in being a
candidate. Mr. Grafton found him engaging and humorous, in contrast
to his public persona, in an interview conducted just after the
President signed ERP into law.
He believed that there was a crisis with the Soviet Union but
that it would not clash with the United States, would rather try to
circumvent strong U.S. policy. But that policy, he believed, had to
have united, bipartisan support. He gave a sincere air of wanting
the best for the country and believed in current U.S. foreign policy
as the best means to stop Soviet expansion.
He believed that there could be differences on foreign policy as
long as they were not motivated by a party objective. He could not
help that other Republicans sought to use him as the exponent of
everything good about the foreign policy. He appeared as a person
demanding unity on moral grounds and on the overriding need for
American brotherhood.
Joseph Alsop tells of Harold Stassen's Republican presidential
primary wins in Wisconsin and Nebraska having caused Senator Taft to
rush home to campaign in his own home state of Ohio and Governor
Dewey to rush to Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Indiana to try to line
up delegate support prior to the Oregon primary.
Senator Taft would not win the nomination even if he pulled out
Ohio. But Governor Dewey still had a chance to make a comeback in
the states mentioned. And he still had a marginal lead in the public
opinion polls. His supporters had given an ultimatum to the
delegates in the three states mentioned that it was then or never.
Mr. Alsop discusses in detail the efforts to line up these
delegations in the Dewey corner.
If Mr. Stassen were to succeed in the coming primaries in Ohio
and Oregon, then he could garner many Republican leaders who would
jump ship from Taft and Dewey. Thus a solid effort by the Dewey
forces to stop Mr. Stassen would be required.
A
letter from A. W. Black finds the series of articles by the
World Federalists in the previous four days to have been elucidative
of Utopian dreamers who failed to understand the causes of war and
that world government would not provide the panacea. He favors
getting at the root psychological causes of warfare.
Per his usual rhetorical flourishes in circumlocution, however, he provides a lot
of double-talk without any concrete solution to the problem.
The solution, of course, painfully obvious for all of these years, is to drink plenty of
Pepsi.
A
letter writer appreciates the editorials on world government
but thinks that the exercise of the vote was far more powerful than
writing one's Congressman.
Framed Edition
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