The report proposed instead universal disarmament, strengthening of the U.N., a large relief and reconstruction program for all, including Russia, strengthening democracy at home to serve as example to the world, lifting of the economic standard to avoid the growth of fifth column groups, and reliance on a voluntary enlistment program.

The Christian Science Monitor had criticized the group for being unrealistic, as had the liberal Louisville Courier-Journal.

The piece believes that the question raised was whether Russian intransigence justified abandonment of the concept of a world based on peaceful cooperation. If answered affirmatively, the protest against UMT was irrelevant as the real issue was one of survival. But at least the protest against UMT would serve to shake average Americans from their sense of complacency regarding the massive shift in foreign policy taking place under bipartisan cooperation, a departure from past peacetime policy.

It asserts that the rape victim's identity ought also be barred by law from the public record, as in some other states, including South Carolina. There was no reason, it offers, to embarrass a victim of a sexual assault.

While certainly true if there is positive evidence of a sexual assault, such anonymity also would tend to shield the dishonest prosecutrix either claiming that a consensual act was rape or accusing a handy scapegoat when the actual assailant was someone she knew and decided to protect, or simply a person fabricating the entire matter for reasons of vindictiveness, either against an individual or aimed at some group identity, usually based on race.

There had been numerous such rapes in recent months, especially in the Eastern part of the state. And yet the only attempted lynching was that of Buddy Bush in Jackson, who managed to escape the mob unharmed.

It asserts that the actions of the farmer who organized the posse to locate the alleged rapist of his young daughter deserved wide publicity to stand in contrast to the lynching image of the South portrayed in much of the national press and to serve as a positive example to others who might catch the lynching fever under such stress.

A friend of the President spotted a portrait of Benjamin Franklin over the door to his study and remarked on it. The President told him that it had come from General de Gaulle who had taken it from a Paris museum and it probably ought be returned. It had been painted by an admirer while Mr. Franklin was in Paris. The friend urged him not to send it back, that Mr. Franklin's good qualities might rub off on the President.

He next tells of convicted black marketeer John Monroe, of the House on R Street fame, having a new company, Advice, Inc., in nearly the same Washington location, on N street, while awaiting the outcome of his appeal on the conviction for which he had been sentenced to two years in prison. Whether he would again be providing lavish parties for the influential of the Capital was yet to be revealed. But he was sending out notices of his new business to all the Washington elite.

He told Mr. Pearson's investigator that his firm worked principally with foreign governments. He notes parenthetically that at one time, Mr. Monroe had tried to arrange arm shipments to Greece and the Dominican Republic. The president of the company was Col. Harry Cooper of the India-Burma theater during the war, under the command of the late General Stilwell. Col. Cooper did not appreciate the investigation and threatened to turn over the Pearson staff to the FBI, but calmed when reminded that there was no law against asking questions. Col. Cooper stated that Mr. Monroe was only a salesman for the company, in a minor role. Yet, he was listed on the incorporation papers as one of three trustees authorized to manage the company.

He would have political weight, based on both his negotiating such a favorable deal for the miners and because he had accomplished it in spite of the new Taft-Hartley law, without a strike, making the proponents of the legislation, especially presidential hopeful Robert Taft, look rather silly.

Under the new contract, the UMW would take in 60 million dollars annually in its health and welfare fund to be administered by a three-person board, based on the ten cents per ton of coal to paid to the fund by the operators under the new contract, double that paid by the Government during the previous year, and four times that originally offered by the operators.

Moreover, despite the Southerners in Congress having backed Taft-Hartley, Mr. Lewis had left the Southern operators outside the negotiations until he had obtained the contract he wanted from the Northern operators.

It should be noted that it had been reported that the Southern operators, themselves, actually wanted to act independently and that Mr. Lewis acquiesced, rather than actively leaving them out of the process, as Mr. Childs suggests.

If the Marshall Plan was no good, he offers, America ought lie down and die as being hopelessly dissembling and duplicitous. He did not believe that of America.

The Russians, in declining to participate in the Plan, had turned down the best the West had to offer. The Marshall Plan represented a group movement away from the Truman Doctrine. The Russian rejection had helped only the eccentrics, the isolationists on the right and the Communists on the left. It left the center feeling helpless before Russia, that there was nothing the country could do to please the Soviet. In so doing, the Russians had stirred up new difficulty which they did not need.