Enough controls on building priorities and materials had been retained to annoy builders, but not enough to encourage building of low and medium-cost housing. Housing starts had declined in the first quarter, compared to the first quarter of 1946. Prices remained high on that which was available. The homeless veteran in consequence seemed to have given up hope for ascertaining fault, only wanted an affordable home.

The present system of a few controls, it opines, was no solution to the problem.

The piece supports the effort as the current outlay provided for only subsistence living and the program to offer free education to G.I.'s was an important piece of the puzzle for reconversion of the economy to peacetime on a fully productive and stable basis, such being essential to worldwide economic stability and thus maintenance of peace into the future.

It prompts the piece to ask why then professors should not simply tape their lectures and send them to students, and then students could share them with neighbors.

The piece, while not saying so, undoubtedly understood that the answer to its rhetorical questions lay in part in the fact that a necessary ingredient for an effective college education is attendance of classes on a regular basis and being a part of the social environment of the college campus. It is an irreplaceable experience. The motivation to learn, once achieved in that environment, might be called forth by such remote control devices later in life. But the initial live experience as a foundation cannot be substituted artifically by vicarious means such as audio or even video recordings of live lectures. You can figure out the reasons for yourself, perhaps analogizing to the difference in subjective experience between watching a video presentation of a live play and attending a live performance.

It brings to mind a class we had in New Deal and Fair Deal history under a former chancellor of the University, a Kenan Professor earning therefore $100,000 per year in the early 1970's, who once caught a student taping his lecture, abruptly stopped the class, quite out of character, and proceeded to order the student, in no uncertain or briefly stated terms, to stop the tape recording and not repeat it again, saying that the lecture was "worth $100,000" and was not therefore subject to being recorded.

This Professor, J. Carlisle Sitterson, was one of the better we ever had, was a staunch defender of freedom of speech during his tenure as chancellor, and so the incident caused us to ponder why he had been so adamant about not having his lectures recorded other than through ordinary taking of notes. We venture that part of the answer may have been that taking notes and listening carefully to a lecture in person are as much a part of the experience necessary to the learning process as reading textual material included in a syllabus and taking examinations or writing theme papers in the course. Without careful note-taking at some stage, one's ability to relate the subject matter in writing might prove frail and freighted with difficulty. Without careful attention to live lectures, efficient note-taking, during or after the fact, is not easily accomplished. Use of a tape recorder provides an illusory basis for skipping note-taking or provides to other students a surrogate in class to avoid attendance, perhaps on a rotating basis.

As with all classes at the University, there were no attendance records maintained, and so attendance of classes was entirely the responsibility of the student, it being determined wisely that young men and women could make up their own minds quickly, via the consequent positive and negative reinforcement achieved in grades, as to whether they wished to be college students or goofs, hanging out elsewhere during class time, that if the latter inclination prevailed enough, they might just as well drop out and either join the march, in our time, to Vietnam, or go home and work at some toilsome activity resemblant to a summer job.

We doubt, incidentally, despite the way Professor Sitterson phrased his objection, that it had anything to do with the salary he was being paid and his appraisal thus of the value of the lecture in monetary terms, paltry for his contributions to the learning experience.

In any event, we doubt that correspondence courses can attain a semblance of a true college degree, and thus any wisdom in that which, if taken literally, the piece suggests, other than as a supplement to a college experience already had. One must attend classes and go through the campus experience for four years to obtain a true collegiate understanding and appreciation for the subject matter which one studies most assiduously and in which one obtains a degree. There is simply no substitute for that as the memories associated with correspondence courses are necessarily limited to one's own private experience, divorced from any group sharing in same. One does not get the same breadth and knowledge acquired in the latter experience. There is no true manner in which a degree may be packaged and shipped by mail.

That said, there is also no manner in which a student who does not actively seek his or her education on campus, when given the precious opportunity to do so, can be made to benefit from the four years of experience if wasted in other pursuits than learning.

There should be no inclination thus to accept the suggestion of the piece in any more than the entirely facetious vein in which it was obviously offered.

The piece welcomes Mr. Vogler to the campaign for the fact of his long experience and because Charlotte men were not usually seeking of state posts. As chairman of the N.C. Food Dealers Association, it remarks, Mr. Vogler had to be seeking the position out of altruistic motives.

It is possible under law to prosecute twice for the same criminal conduct without doing violence to the prohibition against twice putting in jeopardy a defendant's life or freedom, provided the second prosecution is by a different sovereignty, meaning that Federal jurisdiction could be brought to bear if the first prosecution was under state law. Statutes passed after the Civil War, the so-called anti-Klan statutes, provided for both civil and criminal penalties for denial of civil rights, even if these offenses carried far less stern penalties than state prosecutions for murder.

It was hoped by the Justice Department that, even though the Greenville trial had been conducted appropriately by the judge and prosecutor, a Federal jury might be drawn from a larger pool of the population and thereby enable a different result, especially in the wake of the outcry nationally against the outrageous verdict, acquitting the 28 men despite 26 of them admitting their role in the lynching and several specifying Carlos Hurd as the shooter who finally killed Mr. Earle after he had been beaten nearly to death by several of the others.

He next tells of three-quarters of the coal operators, excluding the separately negotiating Southern operators, having walked out of negotiations with John L. Lewis the previous week so that the President would have to sign the Taft-Hartley bill to avoid the prospect of a coal strike, as the bill provided for injunctive relief to stop strikes which affected the entire country in an essential industry.

Expecting negotiations with the Northern operators to conclude successfully, Mr. Lewis was caught off guard when he discovered what they intended. The operators refused to offer more than 15 cents, while Mr. Lewis demanded 35 cents, though he was willing to accept less. Mr. Lewis confided to associates that the looming prospect of invoking Taft-Hartley now put the Sword of Damocles over his head.

The column relates that the second Axis Sally, the one who had broadcast from Germany during the war, would be tried for treason and it looked like there was a good prospect for adequate evidence being propounded for conviction. Several G.I.'s had stepped forward who had been in the German prisoner-of-war camps and were asked by Sally to make treasonous recordings for her to broadcast. The Italian Sally had already been convicted and punished by an American Army tribunal.

It had been impossible to convict thus far any Tokyo Rose, four of whom existed, for the fact that there were no witnesses to the broadcasts available to testify. None of the four visited the prisoner-of-war camps, as Sally had.

The Soviets dominated Hungary with troops, making the coup easy, but such was not the case in Czechoslovakia. Nine of 26 Cabinet ministers were Communists, as was Premier Klement Gottwald. The Communists had received a plurality of the vote, 38 percent, at the most recent election. But indications were that a new election would show different results, as the Communists had lost popular support. Such a result could prove embarrassing and so it was believed that the Russians would do everything possible to avert it.

There would be three steps to strengthen the Communist hold on the Government: discovery of a supposed Fascist plot, focused on the Slovakian Democratic Party; a declaration by the Premier of a state of emergency; and then replacement of non-Communists with Communists in important posts in the Government by use of police force. While not easy of accomplishment, if the Kremlin believed it important enough, then Mr. Vishinsky undoubtedly had such a mission and was up to the task of effecting it.

The spas of Carlsbad were reserved for Russian high-ranking military men. The location was near Joachimsthal, in which mining of extensive uranium deposits was ongoing at the direction of the Soviets.

Thus, the visit of Mr. Vishinsky was being watched carefully throughout Western Europe.

The only contingencies which might throw a wrench in these predictions were the possibility of a broad crop failure, resulting in continued worldwide food shortages, causing domestic food prices to rise, precipitating labor unrest; a coal strike when the mines were turned back over to private ownership at the end of the month, causing production to be halted again; or if the dollar exchange shortage caused sharp reductions in American exports, coinciding with a domestic recession. A severe winter in the Western U.S. had harmed crop production but the prospects of a strike in the coal industry appeared unlikely.

It was estimated that a cut of a billion dollars in exports annually meant unemployment for a million workers. Currently, the country exported between 14 and 15 billion dollars worth of goods each year. A substantial cut in this amount in the midst of readjustment could have disastrous effects.