The Charlotte News

Saturday, June 21, 1947

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Senate moved into its second continuous day of session regarding the vote on the President's veto the previous day of the Taft-Hartley bill. Signs were that debate would continue this date until midnight, as both sides were at odds on when to hold a vote, and no progress was evident. They would recess on Sunday and return Monday.

Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon had been speaking for six hours straight when the 24-hour mark had been reached for the session. He showed no signs of tiring and Senator James Murray of Washington was ready to take over for him when he did. Senator Morse acknowledged that he was participating in a filibuster, to assure full debate in the Senate after the vote to override had been steamrolled through the House the previous day. He believed that, though the tally in the afternoon showed override likely, given enough time, the votes to sustain might be found.

Senator Glen Taylor of Idaho had begun the delaying tactic at 6:50 the previous night and extended his oration into the wee hours, going eight hours and 25 minutes, when Senator Harley Kilgore of West Virginia picked up the baton.

It was believed that the filibuster would continue into Thursday, to give time for Senators Robert Wagner of New York and Elbert Thomas of Utah to return to the Senate floor. Senator Thomas was in Geneva at the international trade conference and Senator Wagner was ill.

Senator Harry F. Byrd of Virginia stated that he had never seen such pressure exerted on the Senate, but predicted that the veto would be overridden. Minority Leader Alben Barkley also believed it would be hard to sustain it. A Democratic strategist stated that the President lacked about four votes to avoid override. Both Senator John Sparkman and Senator Scott Lucas appeared ready to switch from support of the bill to support of the President. Senator William Fulbright of Arkansas said that nothing he had heard so far convinced him to change his vote from support of the bill.

Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin had joined with French Premier Paul Ramadier and French Foreign Minister Georges Bidault to ask Russia to join in an effort to rebuild Europe under the new Marshall Plan, and gave Russia until Monday to make the decision. It was said by Tass, the Russian news agency, that Premier Stalin was contemplating this historic move. The determination was whether to accept aid from the U.S. and thereby lose the ability to form Russian satellites. The decision, to come by Monday night, would determine whether Europe would be rebuilt on Anglo-French terms or essentially two Europes would be established, with Russia running its sphere.

Thomas Blaisdell, chief of the Commerce Department's Office of International Trade, told the House Armed Services Subcommittee that it was not unusual for the U.S. to have shipped a half million barrels of oil to Russia in May. In 1946, 2.5 million barrels had been exported to Russia and five million in 1945.

Edwin Greenwald reports of the first-hand account of a stewardess aboard the airliner which had crashed in Meyadine, Syria, two days earlier, killing fourteen of 37 aboard, including eight passengers. One of the engines had caught fire and spread to the wing, and so the passengers and crew knew they were going down. The burning motor eventually dropped off the plane but the wing continued to burn. As the plane hit the desert floor, the fuselage split in two and caught on fire, a fire which continued to burn for hours. Those who were able jumped from the aircraft to escape the flames. She believed that those who died had been killed instantly on impact.

An expedition departed from Boothbay Harbor, Maine, aboard the schooner Bowdoin for the Arctic, to study the speed of four Greenland glaciers, an 8,000-mile expedition to last through the summer.

In Beverly Hills, police were searching for the killers of Benjamin "Bugsy" Siegel, nightclub operator who had built the seven-million dollar Flamingo Hotel in largely undeveloped Las Vegas, opening it the previous December. He had been reading a newspaper at home shortly before midnight in the mansion owned by Virginia Hill, an Alabama heiress, not at home at the time, when the killer sprayed bullets from a 30 caliber Army carbine through a window. A friend of Mr. Siegel was sitting next to him but escaped injury. The weapon had apparently been modified to operate as a machine-gun. Nine empty shells were found outside the window. Four bullets entered Mr. Siegel's head and body, killing him instantly. He had been an underworld figure for many years and previously listed as a public enemy. He and several friends had just returned from a beach outing when the attack took place.

The murder has never been solved, though several suspects were implicated.

In Alameda, California, police reported that a mother, the young wife of a sailor, had smothered her four-week old baby boy and placed his body in a burning incinerator because Jesus had told her to do so after she had been awakened by the baby's crying. Her husband was under two weeks of detention at the Naval Air Station. The police were sifting the ashes for missing parts of the body.

The police might also want to seek out a man named Jesus in the neighborhood as a possible accomplice.

In New York, a former G.I. came to dockside to greet a ship, thinking he would be meeting a Swiss woman whom he courted while in the Army in Paris two years earlier. Instead, he was met by her fiance, a doctor from Brooklyn. The jilted young man withdrew his bond posted for his intended, and she was therefore taken to Ellis Island.

In Baltimore, a man and his girlfriend were strolling along Pier Six when she suddenly asked whether he would save her were she to jump into the water. He said that he would but was not a very good swimmer, whereupon she jumped. He jumped in after her but was unable to save her. Two patrolmen pulled him out and then found the body of his girlfriend an hour later.

Don't jump in the water like that.

In Pierre, S.D., a ringneck pheasant had stopped a train by crashing through the windshield of the locomotive and striking the engineer.

On the editorial page, "A New Era in Labor Relations" contemplates the result of Taft-Hartley becoming law, as appeared about to happen, finding it the result of an attempt by the Republican Congress to embarrass the President. It was the beginning of a new era in labor relations, ending the power of unions established under the Wagner Act.

While much of the country had favored a curb of union power, the piece believes that the bill passed by Congress in a forum of shouting and political maneuvering for 1948 was hardly the legislation desired by the country. It was full of uncertainty, and, according to the President, would lead to a new era of labor strife which would plague the nation for years to come.

Time would tell.

"The Bulwinkle Bill Should be Vetoed" favors veto of the Reed-Bulwinkle bill, co-sponsored by Gaston County Representative A. L. Bulwinkle, which exempted railroads from the anti-trust laws, finding unpersuasive the proponents' arguments that the railroads were already subject to I.C.C. regulation and thus did not need to be subject to the anti-trust laws. The opponents had argued persuasively that the railroads had come to control the I.C.C. It asks why the railroads should fear the anti-trust laws if they were going to fix rates only in the public interest. The complaint of the railroads that they had been harassed in the past by Justice Department investigations was not borne out by the actual frequency of such cases.

The recent Supreme Court holding that the railroads had been guilty of discrimination in fixing freight rates, thus upholding the I.C.C. ruling to adjust the Southern rates downward by ten percent while bumping upward the Northern rates ten percent, had suggested that, previously, the I.C.C. had not been effective in controlling rates.

The Atlanta Journal had stated that economic competition was the historic basis for maintaining free enterprise and that continued monopolistic setting of rates by the railroads would only encourage further Government intrusion until it controlled the railroads completely.

It concludes that the President ought veto the bill for the sake of the public interest and the long-term interest of the railroads.

"General Eisenhower's Retirement" contemplates the apparent coming retirement of General Eisenhower as Army chief of staff to become president of Columbia—as he would the following year.

It finds it peculiar that he would do so in the midst of a supposed military crisis. But it appeared to fit his discouragement that peace had not prevailed in the world after such a long and hard war. He appeared to have no basic difference with the Administration on foreign policy. And he was not so old, at 56, to be ready to retire.

It concludes that perhaps it was making too much of the fact, that it might only be that the General was tired from enduring a long war campaign and postwar peace struggle, such that he wanted the relative quietude afforded by academia. It hopes that he would at some point be making his personal beliefs on war and peace known as a private citizen.

It should be noted that the report appearing on the front page of the newspaper on Thursday had actually stated that General Eisenhower did not intend retirement until released from his duties by the President and Secretary of War Robert Patterson. Perhaps, Editor Harry Ashmore, a former Lt.-Colonel in the Army, serving on the front lines in France, was able either to read between the lines or obtain information from a better informed source.

A piece from the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, titled "Smoke-Filled Locker Room", tells of freshman Senator Harry Cain of Washington finding intolerable the 788 registered full-time lobbyists at work, especially objecting to their efforts to inveigle support through social gatherings at country clubs.

The piece wishes to know who the sand-trap, sports-jacketed pressure artists were.

Drew Pearson tells of the proceeding investigation in the Senate of the 900 million dollar loss suffered by the Army in turning over the printing plates for occupation marks to the Russians. The investigation was led by Senator Styles Bridges of New Hampshire, who had obtained an admission from the Assistant Secretary of War Howard Petersen that the sending of charitable contributions to German war prisoners in marks was saving some of the money back because of the exchange rate. The only other alternative, stated Mr. Petersen, was to ask Congress for an appropriation, which the War Department did not intend to do. He stated that the decision to turn over the printing plates had been made jointly by the Treasury and State Departments.

The decision originally to use the German marks as currency in Germany during occupation was made jointly in 1944 by Britain and the U.S. The marks were to be printed in the U.S. because it had the facilities. The plates and the printing ink were provided the Russians in 1944 so that the marks to be printed would be uniform in design. It led to a black market whereby Russian-printed marks were being exchanged for U.S. currency in Germany, resulting in the loss.

Mr. Petersen gave conflicting statements as to whether the U.S. had an obligation to cash the Russian marks. Once the deficit had reached 900 million dollars, the Army stopped redeeming the marks.

Monkeys were being employed by the Food & Drug Administration to test the effects of bubble gum, reported as causing mouth infections among youth in Louisiana and Colorado. The FDA reported the coast to be clear.

In protesting the Taft-Hartley bill, Congressman Gordon McDonough of Los Angeles had twice referred to it as the Taftley-Hart bill.

It sounds like a new form of bubble gum, maybe.

The Senate Banking & Currency Committee had voted to extend the life of the RFC by another year, following a recommendation by former President Hoover. The Committee had also voted an appropriation for investigation into former director Jesse Jones's dealings at RFC.

Marquis Childs praises Senator Charles Tobey of New Hampshire for consistently voting his conscience, as demonstrated recently in his adamant opposition to the Reed-Bulwinkle bill exempting the railroads from anti-trust laws. Most of the opposition had come from Southern Democrats and Senators from Western states, states in which there had been a record of freight rate discrimination. But the rates had always favored New England. Senator Tobey opposed the bill because he believed it gave the power of monopoly to the railroads.

Similarly, he had opposed the nomination of presidential favorite Ed Pauley to become Undersecretary of the Navy—the nomination which led to the resignation by Harold Ickes as longtime Secretary of Commerce in February, 1946. Senator Tobey opposed Mr. Pauley because of his interest in seeing the Federal Government lose its claim to tidal oil lands and the cession of the rights to the states to collect huge royalties on leases to private oil companies. Mr. Pauley had large oil interests in California.

The opposition was not partisan. Senator Tobey had supported the nomination of New Dealer Aubrey Williams against a charge that he was a Communist.

Although President Truman had been angry about Senator Tobey's opposition to Mr. Pauley and wrote him an angry letter about it, he would nevertheless find Mr. Tobey on his side if and when he vetoed the Reed-Bulwinkle bill.

A religious man, Senator Tobey was the type of conscientious member of Congress of whom more were needed.

Samuel Grafton tells of the conflict among Republicans, torn between stopping Russian expansion and economy. They were reluctant to pass a bill urged by the President to have universal military training. While a dubious notion, it served to illustrate the schizoid approach of the new Congressional majority. Likewise, they were opposed to spending money on the relatively inexpensive Government information service, designed to promote America behind the iron curtain.

They wanted both their cake and their penny. They wished to promote American prosperity but then put up a poor mouth when it came time to put forth aid for relief efforts. Former President Hoover had just issued his statement indicating the need for limits to aid, lest the country's resources be drained. Such a report invited foreign countries to look elsewhere for aid.

The Republican approach was not dynamism, but a form of irritability which promoted American wherewithal to the skies and then turned about and expressed a desire to limit further help should the aid become too expensive.

A letter writer favors privatization of the Social Security Board, such that they could invest in the private market the one percent of income contributed to the fund each year.

A letter from Inez Flow, still not giving up the ghost of prohibition, bitterly attacks the new system to be implemented for controlled sale of alcohol in the county, finding it uncertain as to whether there would be up to a dozen liquor stores. She decries the apparent fact that distillers had recently greeted ABC delegates to a convention in Florida, finds it to be scandalous.

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