The Charlotte News

Thursday, June 19, 1947

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that three maritime unions on strike on the East and Gulf Coasts reached agreement with shipowners on a contract to provide a five percent wage increase. The agreement affected 110,000 seamen, 60,000 of whom were members of NMU, which had called for the work stoppage, demanding a 20 percent wage increase and other benefits. The other two settling unions were the American Communications Association radio operators and the Marine Engineers Beneficial Association.

President Truman refused to listen to Southern Democratic leaders' entreaties to him to sign the Taft-Hartley bill. He said that he was not taking the counsel of either side and was making up his own mind on the matter.

Fifteen of 37 aboard a Pan American World Airways Constellation Eclipse, en route from Karachi to Istanbul, were killed when it crashed in Meyadine, Syria, as it sought to make a forced landing after an engine caught fire. Eight of the dead were passengers. None of the dead passengers were Americans, though all seven of the dead crew members were.

In Warsaw, a military tribunal sentenced to death seventeen members of the Ukrainian Nationalist forces accused of attempting to overthrow the Government by force, making armed attacks on military outposts in southeast Poland.

In Miami, Lt. General J. Lawton Collins, War Department Information Chief, stated to the Reserve Officers Association that Russian troops outnumbered those of the U.S. Army 20 to 1 and that the Russians had 10,000 aircraft to the American 4,000 or less which could be manned, that U.S. forces in Europe could be easily overrun by the 200 divisions of the Russian Army, compared to ten in the entire U.S. Army.

He advised that the Army could not any longer deal in probabilities, that such was one of the mistakes prior to Pearl Harbor, that everyone had said the Japanese could not attack the U.S. But now other nations were capable of attacking the country. New York, he said, would pose a logical target, as would Chicago, Detroit, or Pittsburgh. Attacks might come from long-range aircraft over the Polar Cap and could include atom bombs or bacteriological warfare.

General Collins favored universal training and merger of the Army and Navy as proposed by the President. He also believed that coordination of industry and military preparedness was essential, as the luxury of time, as in the two world wars, to prepare for war would no longer be available.

General Eisenhower had been offered the presidency of Columbia University but had declined, saying that he did not intend to leave his job as Chief of Staff of the Army until relieved by both the President and Secretary of War Robert Patterson.

General Eisenhower would accept the post in 1948.

In Miami, the good father and neighbor who beat to death with a baseball bat both of his children, a boy and girl, and then shot two of his neighbors, nearly fatally, and shot at a third point blank, missing, objected to his mother-in-law being given the rights by the court to bury the children. He complained that she had not told his wife to return to him, and now wanted the children. He was a little upset because the neighbors had accused him of being hard on the children and sought their placement in a foster home.

He was a cafe owner originally from Greece, not a cab driver. He did not live near the desert. And he was a good father and neighbor.

In Baltimore, a judge told 50 women preparing to sit as jurors for the first time in Maryland history, that they would see some pretty gruesome things, after which they would not feel like eating. He also advised that the jury room was sacrosanct and confidential. He also told them to give their correct age on the court questionnaires.

In Philadelphia, charges lodged against a former postmistress, accused of deliberately delaying the mail, were dismissed. She had contended that she did not have the time to deliver all of it, and some of it had piled up for two years. She was relieved previously of her post.

In Charlotte, fans were said to have prompted an umpire for a Charlotte Hornets baseball game to change his decision, photographs and details of which appear on the sports page.

In Washington, a Federal Judge ruled that Rollins College in Florida should become the repository of the 1.5 million dollar bequest willed to a Southern institution of higher learning for the purpose of promoting art. The decedent, William Hayes Ackland, had originally devised the bequest to Duke on condition that the devisee inter his body, his paintings, and his writings in an elaborate mausoleum on campus. Duke declined the conditions, and, as part of an unsuccessful will contest by Mr. Ackland's legal heirs, the U. S. Court of Appeals ruled in 1943 that the doctrine of cy pres, allowing for reasonable interpretation of a testator's intent when the specific devise of a charitable bequest is incapable of being fulfilled, should be applied to provide for the more generalized intent discernible from the devise, in this case, that a Southern institution of higher learning willing to meet the conditions of the bequest was the intended recipient. The Court allowed the estate trustees to select the beneficiary.

Both UNC and Rollins stepped forward, as Mr. Ackland had specified in his original 1936 will that if the devise to Duke failed, then the bequest should pass first to UNC, then, failing acceptance, to Rollins. Duke had originally responded enthusiastically and the Duke president was able to prevail on Mr. Ackland to change his will in 1938 to name only Duke as the beneficiary.

After Duke declined the conditions post mortem, UNC claimed that because it was larger and consequently able to muster more funding to supplement and sustain the endowment than Rollins and, moreover, was the first named alternative recipient of the bequest in the original 1936 will, it should be the recipient under cy pres. The Judge disagreed, despite the trustees having selected UNC. Rollins had contended that it had shown greater interest in art since its founding.

Eventually, in 1949, this decision would be altered by the U.S. Court of Appeals to award the bequest to UNC, as the estate trustees had so determined and based on the intention expressed in the original 1936 will. Thus, in 1958, Ackland Art Museum was built on the campus.

Mr. Ackland, an attorney, had been a recluse for years, living in Washington hotels before his death in 1940.

In any event, now you know why that building looks exactly like a mausoleum, possibly, if not precisely, the ugliest building on the campus, lacking in the appeal to the esthete which one would expect of an art museum. It is one.

The philosophical question is thus posed, in the category of the specific: Is the art consigned to the Ackland Art Museum intended thus by its benefactor to be moribund? If so, what notion is thus conveyed by the art? More generally: Is all art moribund as soon as it is given birth and freedom by the artist to live among the people? Is death the final expression of universal art? If all energy in the universe were rendered inert, would you then be able to perceive any art in it?

Incidentally, it is rumored, amid Scuttlebutt, that next door to Ackland, the bedroom scenes for "The Graduate" were filmed, for the fact of a studio workers' strike preventing filming for the nonce in Hollywood.

On the editorial page, "To Eat It or To Have It?" tells of the House passing a bill allowing an increase to the wool tariff to reduce imports by as much as 50 percent. The wool producing industry in the country was quite small and Assistant Secretary of State Will Clayton had insisted that the bill should be defeated lest it ruin the chances of success of the Geneva international trade conference, out of which, in protest of the action, had exited the Antipodes.

The bill was evidence that the Congress and the people were not viewing the country's foreign policy as a whole. Raising the tariff was a retreat toward isolationism.

"Our Economics and Education" comments on a finding by S. H. Hobbs, Jr., editor of the UNC News Letter, that cash farm income in the state had risen from 201 million dollars in 1940 to 900 million dollars in 1946. Industrial output had risen from 1.859 billion dollars in 1942 to 2.8 billion in 1946. Average family income had risen from $1,386 in 1940 to $2,912 in 1946.

But more than half of the farm income had come from tobacco, notoriously unstable and threatened by British import duties. And wages in industry were on the low side when compared to those nationwide.

Despite the gains, the state, relative to the rest of the nation, had not done so well, with income only 81 percent of the national average. Economic well-being could not take place until income was on par with the rest of the nation. The state, said Mr. Hobbs, had settled for a lower standard of living.

Income correlated with education across the nation. North Carolina was only spending $68 per child per year on education against a national average of $127. The fact explained the state's economic woes.

"Dr. I.Q. Finds an Answer" tells of "Dr. I.Q." bestowing radio audiences in various theaters across the land with candy and silver dollars for giving correct answers to his questions. The voice had changed several times, unknown to the audiences. Since 1941, James Wesley McClain had been the voice of Dr. I.Q. But after earning a half million dollars, he decided to become an Episcopal priest and, to that end, had just graduated from seminary. He was about to enter the pulpit in Texas at a salary of $2,400 per year.

He said that he did not mind being broke and was going to devote the remainder of his life to small town missions. So earning and giving away money, the piece concludes as the moral, did not assure satisfaction.

A piece from the Christian Science Monitor, titled "Triumph of American Culture", tells of there being a printed ad on Manhattan buses for New Mint Cocktail chewing gum, pitched by Lady Iris Mountbatten, daughter of Lord Mountbatten, Viceroy to India.

The piece pictures a scene at Buckingham Palace with Lady Mountbatten asking one titled guest after another whether they wished a delicious stick of New Mint Cocktail gum.

Drew Pearson tells of an article in Collier's in which Jim Farley explained why he had parted ways in 1940 with President Roosevelt, whom he had been instrumental in making Governor of New York and President. Mr. Pearson states that he had, however, left out Mrs. Farley as a reason. She had hated Washington and disliked the Roosevelts, and did not mind saying so on both counts. She remained in New York, forcing her husband to commute on weekends, and, eventually, to spend only about two days per week in Washington. His triple capacity as Postmaster General, DNC chairman, and key adviser to FDR required a seven-day per week commitment. Many times, when the President called for intimate conferences, Mr. Farley was away in New York.

Mrs. Farley also increasingly resented the low pay of a Cabinet secretary compared to the private sector. She urged him to get away from the President, as he would not even be President were it not for Mr. Farley. Eventually, Mr. Farley came to believe her advice.

The House Administration Committee was considering whether to recommend to the full House that a pamphlet, "Fascism in Action", be published. A pamphlet titled "Communism in Action" had been published the previous year, with 48,000 copies distributed to Senators for dissemination. Some members opposed the printing in furtherance of economy. Two Democrats, Representatives John Bell Williams of Mississippi and Toby Morris of Oklahoma, were opposed to it on the ground that it appeared to equate Fascism with race prejudice and the Klan. Mr. Williams had been in the Air Forces during the war and was then fighting Fascism. But now, remarks Mr. Pearson, he appeared to have reservations on the home front.

Secretary of Labor Lewis Schwellenbach had convinced most of the rest of the Cabinet to oppose the Taft-Hartley bill, preparing a detailed report of his reasons for opposition to it. Another key adviser against it had been NLRB chairman Paul Herzog.

Marquis Childs, as had Drew Pearson two days earlier, tells of House Ways & Means chairman Harold Knutson having appointed unilaterally a three-man independent committee to formulate tax policy, consisting of two multi-millionaires and a lawyer for multi-millionaires, headed by Roswell Magill, long an advocate for reduction of income taxes for the higher brackets and imposition of higher sales taxes and excise taxes, thus regressive.

Other members of the Ways & Means Committee contended that Mr. Knutson had exceeded his authority as chairman in making these appointments.

In 1930, after the Crash, with confidence in prosperity still running high, the Republicans had brought in experts from Wall Street to write the Smoot-Hawley bill raising tariffs. Even President Hoover protested the move. Experts predicted that the bill would accelerate economic depression worldwide, as it did, leading to Hitler's appeal to intense nationalism and war.

A tax program which transferred even part of the tax burden to lower brackets would take money from consumers who would otherwise spend it in the marketplace. The changes necessary in the tax structure should instead give small business a chance to invest. Shifting the burden to the average consumer would only intensify the momentum toward a depression.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop tell of a number of Republican Senators, for political reasons, seeking to sustain the probable Presidential veto of the Taft-Hartley bill. If the anti-labor mood in the country subsided, then they could make amends with labor. If it did not, they could blame the President for not having a bill to curb labor practices. Senator Taft, while not supporting this action at the present juncture, had earlier sought a more stringent bill with the assurance that it would be vetoed and that the veto would be sustained.

By the same counterintuitive logic, the liberal Democrats had wanted the most stringent bill possible to emerge from the conference to reconcile the House and Senate versions, to assure a veto and give it a chance to be sustained.

The President had studied the bill closely and taken it as seriously as Senator Taft. The White House had discovered 33 provisions of the House bill retained in the final version. The White House ideally wanted the President's veto overridden. That way, the President could retain the support of labor while also having the protection afforded by the bill against any further labor trouble during his term.

The public supported the bill because they believed it would stop strikes. But Secretary of Interior Julius Krug, coal mine administrator during the year-long Government operation of the mines, set to expire June 30, was of the opinion that the bill would not prevent a coal strike, as John L. Lewis could take refuge in the exception in the bill allowing a strike when reasonable safety concerns prevented work.

They conclude that the process of preparing major legislation such as Taft-Hartley needed improvement.

The newspaper prints further editorial roundup from various newspapers on the Mecklenburg County alcohol control referendum, passed the previous Saturday following 43 years of prohibition in the county.

The Durham Herald, in a wet ABC county, weighs in positively on the outcome.

The Columbia (S.C.) State was glad that liquor traffic between wet South Carolina and previously dry Mecklenburg would cease.

The Statesville Daily, while viewing liquor as an evil, found the decision nevertheless to be a wise one, for prohibition could not be enforced and only led to worse evils.

The Hickory Record predicts that Hickory, when given the opportunity, would follow Charlotte's lead.

The Hendersonville Times-News finds that making liquor legal would not solve the liquor problem or do anything but increase drinking.

The Gastonia Gazette thinks the vote indicative of a changed and more cosmopolitan population in Charlotte than in times past.

It confuses, however, libertinism with liberality, as many people do. Nor does drinking make one cosmopolitan or even urban, save in the minds of rusticans aspirant to city refuse facilities.

The Concord Tribune states that the system would work only if the people supported it.

The Raleigh Times predicts that the county would neither be wetter nor dryer than previously. It asserts that those opposed to alcohol ought counsel temperance rather than spending their time crusading for prohibition. Prohibition, it says, only encouraged bootlegging.

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