Friday, July 19, 1946

The Charlotte News

Friday, July 19, 1946


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that UMW had served notice on the Belle plant of Du Pont at Charleston, W. Va., of a demand for retroactive portal-to-portal pay for the previous ten years. The regional director of UMW said that the District 17 of UMW was acting on authority of the Supreme Court decision handed down June 10 in Anderson v. Mt. Clemens Pottery Co., 328 US 680, holding 5 to 2, in an opinion delivered by Justice Frank Murphy, that Mr. Anderson was entitled to time spent walking to work after punching the time clock. Time spent at the Belle plant, employing 4,000, preparing to go to work after punching the clock, ranged from ten minutes to 45 minutes, and up to an hour in other plants.

In Rochester, N.Y., housewives formed picket lines in protest of higher prices, a boycott to last only a day. Shopping, however, continued at nearly normal pace. The picketing would continue into the night.

UAW urged its workers not to buy any meat during the weekend in protest of high prices. The boycott had begun Tuesday and had been effective thus far in slowing meat sales around the country. Livestock prices dropped sharply from the large production generated by high prices. Some meat prices had risen 100 percent over OPA ceilings, but consumers were not seen to be objecting to 25-30 percent increases.

Senator Tom Connally of Texas, who had been part of the American delegation to the four-power foreign ministers conference in Paris, urged his colleagues to stand by the United Nations as the path to maintain the peace and avoid another world war. He advocated maintenance of strong American armed forces, acceptance of compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court, putting into treaty form the proposal contemplated by the Act of Chapultepec with respect to the Americas, achieving control of nuclear energy, and providing support to the economic, social and humanitarian program of the United Nations.

The Senate War Investigating Committee issued a subpoena for Congressman Andrew May to testify regarding his role in the Batavia and Erie Basin Metal Products war contracts and any assistance he may have provided the companies in exchange for payments or perquisites. Mr. May remained not obligated to honor the subpoena, at least for as long as Congress remained in session.

Other members of Congress, including Senate Majority Leader Alben Barkley, who had been reported in testimony to have had some form of contact with the companies, denied doing so other than for reasons unrelated to war contracts. Congressman Adolph Sabath of Illinois said that he had called on one occasion to try to get a third for pinochle, as he had played a few times with Murray Garsson of the combine when he had served as an investigator for a House committee of which Mr. Sabath was chair.

Cotton prices rose to 36 cents per pound, the highest level since 1923.

The House-Senate confreres on the substitute OPA bill to extend the life of the agency remained without agreement. Senator Barkley stated that things did not look good.

In Goodland, Kansas, a C-47 military transport plane crashed during a severe storm the previous night, killing ten passengers and three crew members. The wreckage and remains were scattered for a quarter of a mile through wheat stubble. The plane had been headed from Topeka to the West Coast.

Harold Ickes again discusses the pending legislation in the Senate to join the House bill in removing Federal claims to tidal oil lands. But the Senate had passed a bill to promote the development of oil and gas on the public domain and for "other purposes", which amounted to a bill to enrich the oil producers.

Currently, producers paid royalties to the Government averaging 13.6 percent, but the new bill would reduce it to 12.5 percent, resulting in a multi-million dollar annual loss to the Government.

The Senate OPA extension bill had removed price ceilings on petroleum. On top of that, depletion allowances were provided to oil companies in tax bills, a deduction or credit for dry wells. Such incentives were not necessary to induce oil men to drill for oil.

Mr. Ickes sees the issue as one in which it had to be determined whether the oil industry would be allowed to control the country or held to a standard of serving the interests of the people. The royalty rate on Government reserves ought be higher, not lower. Oil would be needed in reserve in the event of another war and it was best to maintain therefore the nation's reserves and put an end to a spendthrift policy with respect to oil.

The Medical School Survey Board provided Governor Gregg Cherry with its recommendation that the new medical school of the University of North Carolina be located in Chapel Hill. The favor was given the University's home because of the available background in the basic sciences, support from the social sciences and humanities, reduction of expenses, avoidance of conflicts with practicing physicians, enabling admission of patients on the basis of equality, and providing for doctors the benefit of a rural setting—in the mountains where the sparkling streams coexist with the trout and flounder in peaceful splendor of a bucolic, pastoral place of splendid isolation from civilization, as bear and bull alike cohabit in uninterrupted harmony by the pleasant waterfalls, with a spray of ocean wave lending its warmth as summer comes on, before the icy winds whistle through the azaleas in springtime and the icicles dripping languorously from the vines turn to melodious accompaniment in the winter, as birds blossom in their down and softly sing a song of serendipity, taking flight then on the wing south into places of deep and abiding sleep and affection with other birds of a feather, and the...

Nix, lads. Buttons.

In Chicago, a man had his pocket picked of $600 in a Loop restaurant or candy shop. The harmonica player at a Loop nightclub had just received the money by wire, took his wife out on the town. He stood only four feet, five inches tall, and stated that the pickpocket therefore "must have been a runt".

On the editorial page, "The Bad News from Georgia" bemoans the fact of Gene Talmadge's victory in the Democratic gubernatorial primary over James Carmichael, the candidate backed by Governor Ellis Arnall. Mr. Carmichael had polled more popular votes, but the unit-voting system gave the election to former Governor Talmadge.

The opposition to Governor Talmadge in the press had caused a backlash among voters, making him a martyr in the eyes of "red-necked boys in the backwoods".

Still, more than 100,000 black voters had turned out at the polls in the first Georgia primary ever open to blacks, thanks to the Supreme Court and the efforts of Governor Arnall, who had led the fight to get the Legislature to eliminate the state poll tax. The overall vote was the highest in state history. In April, 1944, the Supreme Court, in Smith v. Allwright, had held that no state-sponsored primary could exclude voters based on racial characteristics. The decision was applied to Georgia in a 5th Circuit Court of Appeal decision, King v. Chapman, affirming, in April, 1946, a Federal District Court decision.

But Governor Talmadge had been the overwhelming choice of the rural whites and of many in the cities. He was accepted despite personal corruption and his announced intention to roll back the clock on the progressive programs of Governor Arnall.

His only political asset had been his raising the spectre of white supremacy and appeals to prejudice, giving him his margin of victory in the rural areas.

Perhaps, he and Senator Bilbo had performed an unintentional service to the South, to remind that racial prejudice still lived and could not be rooted out without becoming front and center. The only cure for it was education and intermittent stutter steps at progress, such as those undertaken by Governor Arnall.

Before the South could be rid of such politicians as Bilbo and Talmadge, it had to be rid of the sickness on which they fed. It would take time, as it had taken root for eighty years since the Civil War.

A challenge was made at this time, incidentally, by the Attorney General of Georgia to the unit system of voting under state law, based on denial of equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment. The Supreme Court in October rejected the claim in a per curiam decision, without statement of reasons, and ordered the requests for injunctive relief dismissed. Justice Wiley Rutledge provided a separate opinion, asserting that ruling on jurisdiction in the case should be postponed until the matter could be heard in the Federal District Court on the merits. He notes that, since the primaries had already taken place in which the unit system was being challenged, the injunctive relief sought, with one exception, was moot.

"Comrade Ehrenburg and the Press" tells of Russian correspondent Ilya Ehrenburg having summed up his findings from his recent tour of the United States in an article in Collier's, "Ink and Blood", written just before his departure for the Soviet Union. In it, he had found considerable fault with the American press and its tendency to excuse the sins of the United States and Britain while examining every fault of Russia with a microscope. He saw it as a deliberate attempt to provoke a third world war. It was the primary reason that Russia did not allow free movement of American journalists within its territory.

If Russian newspapers had a scarcity of information about America, said Mr. Ehrenburg, American newspapers carried an abundance of misinformation about Russia. The "iron curtain", he contended, was necessary as a screen against American lies.

Mr. Ehrenburg was too intelligent, says the piece, to believe that counter-criticism was an answer to criticism, though an effective propaganda tool. His premise was that the American press wanted to precipitate another war. But surely he had to realize that the American press was so diverse in its make-up and expressions of opinion that there was no possibility of such a conspiracy. He had contended that the press was allowed to slander all Russians. Surely that form of freedom prevented conspiracy.

He had reasoned that artificial barriers prevented mutual understanding between the two peoples. But, while the anti-Communist press clearly was such a barrier, there was no ability to transmit information about America to the Russian people.

The piece concludes that Mr. Ehrenburg might advocate raising the iron curtain with the expectation that the perceived "lies" about the Soviet Union by the American press might then dissipate with free exchange of information.

As perhaps somewhat illustrative of some mistaken understanding of the English language when it ventured into more than its literal form, requiring an understanding of the figurative, which, of course, many who grow up with English do not gather well even into adulthood, Mr. Ehrenburg states on page 30 that an old Spanish song goes:

"Some sing what they know,
Others know what they sing..."

He then states that a Tennessee farmer with whom he had spoken during his journey across America, who had formed the belief from reading the newspapers that Russia was evil, perhaps, as Mr. Ehrenburg had read in the Knoxville Journal some appeal from a religious sect, that Russia was in fact Magog of Ezekiel and Moscow, Meshech, of Psalm 120:5,7, was a person who "sings what he knows", while the publisher of the Knoxville Journal "knows what he sings".

Was this conclusion not conveying of a complete misunderstanding of the concept of a free press, wherein, ideally, publishers and editors, within certain limitations based on the philosophy of the particular organ, permit many variations of viewpoints to be expressed, sometimes inclusive of the ludicrous and absurd, as in the callow attempt of the religious sect to read into Biblical text, thousands of years old, some literal interpretation based on the present time? Expressions of the type often appeared in the "People's Platform" of The News, sometimes in bizarre contexts with stranger conclusions reached from the stream of consciousness which got them there. The editors are plainly aware of the flawed logic or substitution of emotion for logic, but print it nevertheless, just as they printed plentiful expressions of racist and religiously biased opinions, on the valid premise that suppression of such expression is a sure way to encourage a society ultimately to adopt those viewpoints for being without exposure to any argument against them, as they were suppressed. Merely squelching "bad" words does not an enlightened person make; often, the result is the very opposite, a narrow-minded fool who thinks himself enlightened when, in fact, he is clueless, merely grasping at familiar guideposts for direction, without any reasoned thought or conceptualization to get from one idea to another, the person who "sings what he knows". That might work fine until confronted with an unfamiliar sign, and then he will be lost.

Does Mr. Ehrenburg not also misinterpret the English translation of the Spanish song by completely misunderstanding the use therein of the word know? Or was Mr. Ehrenburg more steeped in literature, as he plainly was, than too well schooled in philosophy and its concepts, at least outside Marx? which is not really a philosophy at all, but a theoretical social and economic model. Is it not plain to anyone who understands both philosophical concepts and the art of poetics that the song lyric is conveying the notion that some harp on the rote, without much thought, while others know their song well before they start singing?

Mr. Ehrenburg, perhaps, did not, insofar as his experience with the United States and a relatively free society, and so, naively, assumed many things about the country that were simply not correct conceptually, and were filtered, inevitably, through a lens of some evident bitterness at the sight of a still intact country with its cities not destroyed or millions of corpses recently in the ground, as in his native Russia. While Russia did not fight Germany for any purpose than to defend its own territory, it is also true, as he says, that the Russian sacrifice saved American and British lives by occupying the Germans on the Eastern front from June, 1941 through the end of the war. At the same time, he forgets to recognize that without American lend-lease aid to Russia, it would have likely been defeated by Germany during the crucial first year following the German invasion, that American tanks and planes came to the aid of Russia when its industries were lying largely in ruins, moved to the east of the Urals.

Yet, his correct and incorrect perceptions are nevertheless of interest in terms of understanding better the antecedent thinking on both sides which led to the long and harsh Cold War, which nearly did in both nations, if not by mutually assured destruction acted upon, at least spiritually and economically, leaving both countries strapped for decades yet to come with colossal debts from the build-up and perpetuation still of the huge military-industrial complex, built from mutual paranoia, stimulated by some for the sake of the mutual rub of money in exchange for political power to the helpful as exemplified in the May-Erie Basin case, during those long and tumultuous four and a half decades.

"What Does the Veteran Deserve?" indicates that the newspaper's mild editorial criticism of the "52-20 Club" among veterans, which allowed veterans to have $20 per week for up to a year, essentially providing a Government-paid vacation, suggesting that it should be ended, had drawn a storm of protest from readers.

The piece briefly summarizes some of the responses and reiterates its criticism that the Government should subsidize laziness, as it disserved not only the Government but veterans as well. Veterans needed to abandon their identity as ex-servicemen as fast as they could, to make readjustment to civilian life easier.

The veteran had every right to be bitter at the failure of the country to provide him readily an opportunity to earn a decent living, as everyone deserved. But a cash bonus from the Government could not make up for that failure.

Drew Pearson discusses the issuance of a "fiery summons" by the Ku Klux Klan to all the Klansmen of Atlanta, that they meet immediately in extraordinary Konklave in the Klavern, with all the Kluckers Kongregating. Mr. Pearson prints the entire message which, if you have an interest in attending, you may read.

Nothing, said the announcement, but a "providential hindrance" could prevent a Klansman from attending the Konklave: "Duty, with all the justice of her unquestionable authority, Calls."

Who's Duty?

Two questions were being discussed: What strategy the Klan should follow in preparation for the visit to Atlanta by Mr. Pearson on July 21, and raising of funds to hire lawyers to prevent the revocation of the Klan's charter by the State of Georgia at the direction of Governor Arnall and State Attorney General Eugene Cook. It was at the invitation of Governor Arnall that Mr. Pearson was scheduled to deliver a radio broadcast from the steps of the Georgia State Capitol.

By the way, we originally bought this record in Atlanta, just a few blocks from the Capitol, in July, 1969. Stranger things have happened. We admit, incidentally, that it took us a moment of quietly inquisitive interpretation of the dust jacket to discern just who the artist was. About a week later, Man first landed on the moon.

Mr. Pearson next turns again to the issue of Congressman Andrew May and his wire-pulling with the Illinois war contracts combine, illustrating that committee chairmen had too much power in Congress and over the Executive Branch, and that certain districts were so heavily controlled by political bosses that representatives of those districts could not be defeated.

Mr. May's predecessor in Congress had been sent to jail for bootlegging, but was re-elected to serve from jail; and when it became clear that he could not, his wife was elected to serve in his stead.

In Boston, Representative James Curley had served while under indictment, and continued to serve even after conviction for war frauds, was treated as a hero by Bostonians, who carried him through the streets on their shoulders following his conviction. Mr. May was viewed similarly as a hero by his constituents.

Congressman Frank Whelchel of Georgia had been indicted for selling postmasterships, but was not convicted. Congressman Eugene Cox of Georgia was accused of illegally lobbying against the Government, but it was determined by the Attorney General that no conviction could be obtained.

In the history of the country to that point, only Kansas Senator Joseph R. Burton had ever been convicted of lobbying for profit. Yet, it was known among journalists that the practice was not infrequent by members of Congress.

Most members were scrupulously honest. Other than the British Parliament, there was no legislative body which Mr. Pearson had viewed which was as honest as the American Congress. But a few bad apples provided the institution with a bad reputation.

Mr. Pearson had urged registration with the Securities and Exchange Commission of business transactions by members, whether in the stock market or in particular commodities, as well as naming the chief clients of their law firms.

Had Mr. May been required to register his connection with the Cumberland Lumber Company purchased by Erie Basin or his being president of the Greenbrier Manganese Mining Company in West Virginia at a time when that company was seeking a war contract to supply to the construction of Navy ships manganese of inferior grade to that available abroad, then the people might have been provided a choice on whether he was serving their interests properly.

Marquis Childs continues from the previous day his look at the Nazi money which had flowed into a campaign to defeat President Roosevelt in 1940, through William Rhodes Davis, with the active support of John L. Lewis. Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop had explained to his Nazi subordinates that it was imperative to defeat FDR for a third term to keep the United States out of the war. He viewed FDR as capable of swaying the country in a way that no other politician could.

Mr. Childs hopes the report of Assistant Attorney General O. John Rogge, prepared in Germany, would be made public.

He asserts that the probable explanation for Mr. Davis's involvement in the scheme lay in his background. He began as a train butcher in Alabama and eventually came to be an independent oil operator. He clashed with the big oil companies in his ambitious and avaricious drive to make money, felt he had been repeatedly double-crossed by the big companies.

It was, Mr. Childs posits, this feeling which spurred him on to deal with the Nazis. The dealings began when the Bank of Boston allowed Mr. Davis to use blocked German marks held in a German account for the purpose of building a refinery in Hamburg—a refinery, the license for which Hitler had personally approved through Hermann Goering.

Mr. Davis obtained financial support in England and a guaranteed market for the oil in Europe, including Germany. He leased tankers and had oil property in Mexico.

In 1936, he made available $291,000 to an associate who was told to spend it on the Democratic Party for the re-election of Roosevelt and certain key Senators whose help he wanted for the oil deal. He had met with the President and believed that FDR would assist him in putting together his complex bartering arrangement, involving surplus American cotton held by the Government as security for loans and railroad equipment from Germany to Mexico.

But the White House gave him no favors and he again felt double-crossed. He gravitated closer to the Nazis thereafter, working with Goering and Joachim Hertslet, Goering's agent in the Western hemisphere. Mr. Hertslet helped Mr. Davis work out the deal with Mexico.

Mr. Childs met with Mr. Davis in 1938 in the presidential suite of the Reforma Hotel in Mexico City—the same hotel, as we have noted, where on July 1, 1941, W. J. Cash was discovered hanging by his own necktie, dead, having mysteriously checked into the Reforma that evening, leaving his wife behind at the Geneve.

Mr. Davis told Mr. Childs on that occasion in 1938 that he was directing far-reaching international trade. Telephone calls came from London, Hamburg, and Washington during the interview.

But in reality, he was ruined by dealing with the Nazis. He contended that the British and Americans had supplied much more oil to Germany during the years of Germany's rearmament than he was then supplying, in the wake of the March, 1938 expropriation of British and American oil by Mexico.

Mr. Childs concludes with words of the August, 1941 Atlantic Charter, assuring access to trade to all states on equal terms, whether victor or vanquished in the war, to assure prosperity. He says that if the words were followed, it could put an end to the "piratical rivalries" which ordinarily led to war.

It should be noted that Attorney General and future Supreme Court Justice Tom Clark fired Mr. Rogge from the Justice Department following a pair of speeches in October, 1946, one in New York and the other at Swarthmore College, in which Mr. Rogge publicly linked John L. Lewis and William Rhodes Davis to the efforts of the Nazis to finance the opposition to FDR in 1940. In the New York speech, he had stated:

"The removal of Hitler and Mussolini and a few of their collaborators does not mean that fascism is dead. Now the fascists can take a more subtle disguise; they can come forward and simply say 'I am anti-Communist.' "

Just why this pair of speeches upset Mr. Clark, when the information had been so prominently published by Mr. Childs three months earlier, is not readily understandable, except that Mr. Clark indicated at the time that Mr. Rogge had assured him after the first speech that he would not again speak on the matters contained in his confidential report, and then broke that commitment and a standing Department policy against such public disclosure of matters in confidential reports. Yet, the contents had been circulating prominently in the media for three months.

A probable reason in context of the times had nothing to do with the political nature of the statements by Mr. Rogge or even that Mr. Clark was so upset with him for violating Department policy, but rather concern by the President that irritating John L. Lewis might provoke another round of UMW strikes as winter was coming on and the country and Europe would again be in critical need of coal. Mr. Lewis was quite arrogant enough to demand quietly that Mr. Rogge be punished for his public statements or that he would find an excuse to shut down the coal mines for as long as it took to get what he wanted politically.

Parenthetically, we posit again that, with Mr. Davis having been documented as being in Mexico City in mid-June, 1941 seeking to re-establish his flow of money from a deal between Mexico and Germany, specifically seeking to arrange a bank deal to finance munitions, Cash perhaps was summoned by Mr. Davis ostensibly for a press interview. Cash had written of Mr. Davis twice in January, 1941, and that fact may well have been known to Mr. Davis. Cash's presence in Mexico City was publicized, his award of the Guggenheim having been mentioned in the March 31 issue of Time and his actual departure and intent to spend the year in Mexico City having been stated in The News on May 30, 1941. Cash was looking for a means to supplement the $2,000 Guggenheim Fellowship, barely enough for Mary and him to get through the year, even on the diminished cost of living extant in Mexico. He was seeking at the time to submit occasional syndicated pieces for publication. It would not have been difficult for a man of Mr. Davis's contacts in Mexico City to learn of the precise whereabouts of Cash.

Thus, it is not difficult to construct a scenario under which Mr. Davis hatched a plan to try to use Cash to obtain favorable publicity, perhaps also becoming aware of his friendship with Jonathan Daniels and assuming that he was also known well to Ambassador Daniels, thus hoping that Cash might restore convivial relations with the Ambassador and therefore the President. That Cash would have quickly seen through any such attempt and been an unwilling participant in any such scheme of Davis is plain enough. But that would not have stopped Davis from trying, especially given his increasingly desperate financial condition, with the oil spigot turned off since early 1940.

What might have begun as a slow campaign to try to entice or inveigle Cash into such a position with Mr. Davis, a designated Abwehr agent, would have become suddenly desperate on June 30, when the front page news first appeared of the New York-New Jersey Nazi spy arrests during the weekend of June 28-29, netting 32 spies. The Nazi operation in Mexico City at the time was frantically seeking to knock down its operations, and the spies, strapped for money for the previous year, desperately desirous of gaining free exit from the country, fearful that they would also be arrested next.

From there, putting into play a plan for kidnaping an American journalist and holding him for the ransom of safe transport from the country back to Germany, a simple transfer of the extant plan of the Abwehr to kidnap a specific Mexican journalist in Berlin for the purpose in the case of any compromise of the Nazi spy operations in Mexico, would have required little imagination.

Such a plan could have been conceived and sought to be implemented, of course, by the Mexico spy network itself, with or without the aid of Mr. Davis. But his presence in Mexico City at the Reforma in mid-June makes for an intriguing coincidence, one which, given the other facts, becomes far-fetched as mere coincidence without its implying a direct connection to Cash's strange death July 1.

The case requires a good deal of inference from known facts to construct. But then so does any murder case in which the corpus is carefully planned and dedicatedly covered up, especially one occurring in the midst of war and the orchestrated confusion which Nazi Abwehr agents were trained to produce. Use of a local goon or two to commit the actual homicide in exchange for payment or favors was not merely the stuff of movies. Such things happened. At base, Nazis were thugs bent on acquisition of power and wealth, a prime example of which was Hermann Goering. William Rhodes Davis fit right into the clique.

That Cash's death came in a hotel room would have made collection of fingerprints and other such forensic evidence virtually meaningless, as obviously other guests had used the room previously and elimination of their fingerprints for purposes of comparison would have been problematic. Moreover, one must assume that such a carefully planned murder would have left behind no forensic evidence of identity capable of discernment in 1941. Yet, there is no indication that the Mexico City police undertook any investigation into the possibility of murder, notwithstanding Mary's vague comment in the mid-sixties that they had to be "convinced" during a period of several hours that Cash was not a murder victim and that the Nazi spies he claimed were trailing them during his last 24 hours were merely the product of a suddenly unhinged imagination. Such denial is not a substitute for an actual forensic investigation.

Indeed, the level of attention to Wilbur Cash's death was so haphazard that even the death certificate gives the name of the decedent as "Wilbob J. Cash", age 45, whose mother's name was "Marue", sounding a bit different from Nannie. More significantly, the certificate indicates cremation "prior to proper permission". An alternative translation is "subject to proper permission". Yet, since the certificate is dated July 3 at 4:00 p.m. and Mary had told Cash's parents that the cremation had already occurred on July 2, though an admitted fib... But, perhaps in those errors, there is more to the picture than at first meets the eye.

Peter Edson reports that John L. Lewis was taking a vacation, touring the Midwest, while Admiral Ben Moreell, the Government's administrator of the coal mines, was busy in Washington trying to work out a contract under which the mines could again be turned over to the operators. UMW had, of course, accepted terms with the Government to end its strike in May but contract terms still had several loose ends not yet resolved with the operators, one of which was a new safety code, another being the definition of supervisory personnel, and still another, the operation of the welfare fund and whether Mr. Lewis would supervise it as he had won with the anthracite operators.

John L. Lewis did not really care when the matters were resolved, for he had worked out a good contract with the Government. The operators did not care too much as the mines were operating after a 60-day strike. Government operation was primarily nominal, and daily management still was conducted by the operators, with certain oversight by the Government.

Only major operators who wanted to conclude mergers or invest were hampered.

When production would equal demand, then prices would fall and the small operators with high production costs relative to profit would be hard hit. The question then would arise whether the Government would pay the workers if the small operators could not.

John L. Lewis did not appear to care, for the facts that, without the small operators, production would decrease and prices would go up again, enabling the large operators to pay higher wages and make commensurately larger payments to the welfare fund.

Frank Porter Graham, University of North Carolina president and future Senator, had recently delivered the Harvard commencement address, the text of which is reprinted in part. His summary of the commercial revolution, the industrial revolution, and now, the atomic revolution, requiring world government to control the use of atomic power, received an extended standing ovation from the 12,000 present.

He favors an international authority in line with the Acheson-Lilienthal proposal to control nuclear power, a world court administering an international bill of rights, with jurisdiction over the crimes of individuals against the United Nations, an international police force responsible to the U.N., and shifting of legislative power in the U.N. from the Security Council to the General Assembly.

Rather than try to summarize the rest of it, we leave it for you to read.

He concludes: "Standing where cross the high road and the low road of human destiny, America, with her ideas, her mechanisms, and her universities, let us pray, will not, in her choice, fail mankind in this tragic hour, but will rise to the responsibility of her power and the opportunity of her greatness to give fresh hope to the stricken, hungry, and fearful peoples of the earth as brothers of man and sons of God for one co-operative world in our time."


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