Thursday, April 18, 1946

The Charlotte News

Thursday, April 18, 1946

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the President had responded to the passage of the House bill extending for nine months OPA, saddled with crippling amendments, through press secretary Charles Ross, who cryptically only indicated, "Not for print."

OPA head Paul Porter stated that if OPA were to collapse under the weight of such a bill, consumer prices might climb as much as 50 percent. He did not see what could be done to control prices under the provisions of the bill, which would mandate passage of price hikes to consumers to compensate for rising costs of production. It also scrapped Government food subsidies and eliminated low-cost clothing production incentives.

The final vote on the bill had been 355 to 42.

In the U.N. Security Council, the committee on rules and procedures was said to be split 8 to 3 in favor of continuing the Russo-Iranian dispute on the Council's agenda for further consideration beginning May 6.

The question of continued diplomatic recognition of Spain was now being debated before the Council, with Poland advocating cessation of relations, while Britain and the United States favored urging a bloodless revolt against the Franco Government from within Spain.

The State Department sent a letter of protest via the American Embassy in Tehran to the Iranian Foreign Ministry against continuation of a strict censorship policy on outgoing news from the capital.

The State Department announced full diplomatic recognition of the Tito Government in Yugoslavia based on its full recognition of treaties between the two countries.

The Democratic Party caucus of House members the night before had concluded with mixed results, the Southerners claiming all was copasetic while the Northerners asserted that the Southerners had taken control of the meeting.

The President urged former President Hoover, his special envoy to report on the European food situation, to return home before proceeding to the Orient, to make a full report to the American people on the food situation in Europe. The following evening, both men would hold a joint broadcast, with President Hoover still overseas, the first time both a sitting President and a former President would share a common broadcast.

Secretary of Agriculture Clinton Anderson was withholding signature on an order to cut by 25 percent the supplies of flour until Canada, Britain, and the United States could agree jointly on efforts to provide more wheat and flour to the starving.

After 26 years, three months, and eight days of existence, the League of Nations formally ended this date in Geneva.

The President was going to sail into the Atlantic on Monday for a two-day inspection tour of the Atlantic Fleet and then take a vacation by sailing in Chesapeake Bay until the following Sunday.

A young woman who had married on March 4 at Vancouver, Wash., had discovered that her "husband" was actually a former WAC sergeant who had told her that "he" was too young to shave. She stated that next time she would insist that her intended first grow a beard to prove his masculinity. The discovery had come to light when the former WAC was arrested on a forgery and theft charge pending out of Tacoma. Meanwhile, "he" had been housed with male inmates in the jail for four days, during which time "he" won cigarettes, tobacco, and $40.

An Eastern Airlines passenger plane, en route from New York to Washington, barely missed colliding with an unidentified aircraft over Philadelphia, causing a sudden diving maneuver by the Eastern plane which may have caused injury to some of the 21 passengers. The pilot thought the other plane belonged to the Navy.

It might have been invisible, or the return of part of Flight 19.

Between Key West and Cuba, divers found the hull of a Spanish galleon, the Santa Rosa, to be resistant to their drilling efforts, as encasing coral caused the drills to bounce off. The divers had, however, found a narrow hole into which they could slip amid the inky black waters, stirred by stormy seas.

The over 400-year old vessel contained supposedly 30 million dollars worth of Aztec gold. The American dive team was seeking an opinion from the State Department as to whether a threatened claim by the Government of Mexico on the treasure as having been stolen from Montezuma, would be legal.

On the editorial page, "How to Build Up the PAC" comments on the charge by the Southern Democrats that the CIO PAC now controlled the Democratic Party and that DNC chairman Robert Hannegan was a stooge of PAC's leader Sidney Hillman, that President Truman took orders from the PAC, which intended to throw its weight around in a hundred Congressional races.

That would include, notably, by the way, California's 12th District, the support provided Mr. Voorhis by PAC to be exploited by Mr. Nixon for all its worth and then some, trying to make an implicit case via what would become his usual modus operandi: that everyone against him was a dirty little Commie rat, guilt by association with organizations which were no more Communist in the first instance than the Republican Party, which, along with the Southern Democrats, may have been more than a little pink out on the Animal Farm.

The editorial remarks of its distaste for political blocs of any sort, including the PAC. Their rhetoric of pretending to represent the American people when they were primarily interested in union interests was as hollow as that of the National Association of Manufacturers on the other side of the spectrum, couching its rhetoric in the preservation of free enterprise.

PAC had supported liberal Democrats and liberal Republicans and had demonstrated its political strength in highly unionized areas, but could likely impact any race, even in the rural South.

But to attribute the President's policies to PAC was absurd as they were based on those of FDR whose New Deal long preceded PAC.

The Southern Democrats, by attempting to wrap the Roosevelt-Truman policies up in PAC, performed a disservice by attributing more power to PAC than it deserved. The New Deal was still popular in the country and it had nothing to do per se with PAC.

The efforts of the Southerners might ultimately drive all liberals to the banner of PAC until it became essentially a party in its own right. The opponents, "the Claghorns", were investing PAC with more power than it otherwise would have.

The previous day's Democratic House caucus had wound up in continuity of the efforts of the Southerners to recapture the Democratic Party by providing aid and comfort to their natural enemies, a negative program rather than a positive one.

"The Contrast on the Draft Bill" compliments Congressman Sam Ervin for his stand on the draft bill, opposing openly the exemption of teenagers and the five-month prohibition on new inductions to go with the nine-month extension. Most of his colleagues had voted for the bill as it stood, and, while he had as well, he expressed the hope that the Senate would throw off the shackling amendments.

But Mr. Ervin was not standing for re-election and could afford to be openly critical of these amendments without fear of voter reprisal.

The piece suggests that the country would be hard-pressed to place confidence in a legislative body which put its own re-election ahead of the interests of the country's security.

"Footnote to L'Affaire Poston" reports that, despite the rejection of Salisbury by the sixteen-year old British war bride, another with the same background as Mrs. Poston had found Salisbury to be a place where all her dreams came true. Her mother in England had written to the Salisbury Post of her appreciation for the reception provided her daughter and hoped to be able someday to visit.

Marriage, it appeared, relied for its success on the individual abilities of the parties, and neither case could be taken as any proof one way or the other that Salisbury was either conducive or inimical to the institution.

Perhaps, in the case of the latter bride, her husband took her downtown and gave her a couple of good belts of Cheerwine.

A piece by R. F. Beasley, Editor of the Monroe Journal, titled "O Tempora, O Mores", suggests that while the more pious Baptists were praying over the contemplated move of Wake Forest College to Winston-Salem at the invitation of the Smith Reynolds Foundation, with an offer of 300 acres and a $350,000 annual endowment without strings, the more practical of the Baptists were likely busy packing for the move.

The Methodists had confronted the same troublesome dilemma in 1892 when Buck Duke's father, Washington, of American Tobacco offered his endowment for the benefit of Trinity College only on conditions of the move to Durham and, eventually, in 1924, the change to the Duke name: while the more pious prayed over acceptance of evil tobacco money, the more practical determined to make the move.

The Baptists would not have to deal with the same moral issues with which the Methodists had earlier dealt. "Now cigarette smoking begins in the cradle and lasts to the grave, without regard to sex, color, creed, race or previous condition of servitude."

As we have previously noted herein, the original Wake Forest College campus in the village of Wake Forest was, not coincidentally, located on a former tobacco plantation.

Drew Pearson discusses the concerted efforts of American diplomats to prevent Iran from withdrawing from the Security Council its complaint against Russia based on resolution of the dispute. These diplomats wanted to strengthen the fledgling U.N.

Ambassador Hussein Ala of Iran wanted to maintain the complaint while Premier Qavam wanted to withdraw it so as not to upset the Russian agreement.

He notes that Premier Qavam owned a lot of property in the Russian sphere of influence along the Caspian Sea and had grown wealthy partly from Russian favors during the war.

He next reports that British delegate to the U.N. Sir Alexander Cadogan had denied Mr. Pearson's claim in his column that the British Foreign Office had instructed British diplomats to delay the Security Council's consideration of the case of Spain until a compromise could be effected by the Franco Government with the Spanish Republican moderates. Mr. Pearson sticks by his original story and wonders what the British would do in regard to the complaint.

Senator Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi had raised considerable complaint about a Life Magazine article on him, claiming it to be the result of New Yorkers poking their noses into Mississippi's business. When it was suggested to him that New York could not be ignored as the greatest state in the union, he bristled, saying that if it seceded, no shot would be fired against it.

Apparently the issue in question is that of March 18, for whatever reason missing from the online archives of Life. At least one reader from Mississippi, as expressed in a letter to Life, was not at all surprised by the reaction of Mr. Bilbo and appeared generally supportive of him and his segregationist, racist platform.

The Republicans had raised two million dollars for the fall Congressional races, more than they had ever raised previously.

Marquis Childs discusses the coal strike still not making front page news, and so not yet of major concern to the public. But by the end of April, it would result in rendering the steel industry at half its production capacity, just as it was coming out of its own strike with fewer than 20,000 steel workers still on strike. At that point, it would become major news.

The President, he ventures, could have exerted leadership in early March to set a cap of 18.5 cents per hour increase for coal miners and then gone to the American public, stating the ultimate consequences to the steel industry of the strike.

The demands of John L. Lewis for a dime per ton royalty to finance a fund for the health and safety of the miners to be maintained by the union was of questionable legality under the National Labor Relations Act, as the act forbade any contribution by an employer to a union.

If the strike did not resolve soon, there would be trouble for the country's reconversion efforts by loss of the steel industry once again.

Nominally by Bertram Benedict—though more probably a misprint carried over from the previous day and actually by Samuel Grafton—, a piece discusses the Polish complaint against the Franco Government of Spain. Many newspapers were asserting that the complaint was motivated by Russia, a bad answer to the very real problem posed by the Franco regime. Moreover, the French had also favored the complaint, as had Mexico, along with millions of Americans and Britons.

If America's delegation wound up nixing the complaint, then it would cede the moral high ground for encouraging democracy to the Russians and Poland. Support by these nations should not lead America to tacit support of a Fascist regime in Spain.

The same problem existed with respect to Argentina where the State Department was making gestures of friendship to the new Peron Government, despite its Fascist leanings. Juan Peron had beaten his opponent, Dr. Tamborini, by 1.47 million votes to 1.2 million. The Argentinians who voted for Dr. Tamborini had to believe that but for a few hundred thousand votes, the United States would have remained firm in its anti-Fascist policy, but that it had compromised because of some uninformed peasants swayed by the rhetoric of Colonel Peron.

The United States, he concludes, had lost nothing significant in the election in Argentina but had defeated itself by its interpretation of the results, for the issues were who America was and what principles it would support.

A regular letter writer finds the reluctance to bring to war crimes trials the international financiers of the Nazi regime to be a function of fear of stepping on well-heeled toes of very wealthy men and firms in Britain and the United States, whose financial entanglements included these Nazi suppliers.

A letter from the principal and chairman of the health committee at the Biddleville School in Charlotte tells of a survey it was conducting to make Charlotte more sanitary by inquiring and advising on the reduction of mosquitoes and flies.

A letter from the chief of the local Civilian Retirements Accounts branch thanks the newspaper for a photograph printed April 15 of two employees who had won the Meritorious Civilian Service Award.

A letter, complimenting Ralph McGill's series on Palestine, finds that the world had voiced no concern regarding limits for Jews when it came to their systematic elimination in the ovens of Germany during the war, but now could find no adequate space for the living within Palestine.

Framed Edition
[Return to Links
Page by Subject] [Return to Links-Page by Date] [Return to News<i><i><i>--</i></i></i>Framed Edition]
Links-Date -- Links-Subj.