The Charlotte News

Thursday, October 10, 1946


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that at the Paris Peace Conference, Britain and the United States called upon the Soviet Union and the Slav states to open the Danube to free commerce. The request came from Senator Arthur Vandenberg for the United States as part of the plenary session debate on the adoption of the Rumanian peace treaty. Senator Vandenberg responded to the comparison that the St. Lawrence River between Canada and the United States was not internationalized by indicating that there was a difference between such a river between two countries at peace for 125 years and a river serving eight countries emerging from war. He added that water traffic of all nations was welcome on the St. Lawrence.

Yugoslavia quickly rejected the proposal, contending that because 50 percent of the Danube passed through Yugoslavia, it deserved a larger role in control of the central waterway of Europe. Russia joined in the objection, saying that the peace conference was not the proper forum for such a decision and that the British and Americans were attempting imperialism. Foreign Commissar Molotov, in an apparent non-sequitur, stated, in response to Senator Vandenberg's statement, that the Danube had been internationalized in 1856 and that slavery existed in the United States at that time. He thought that if the Danube were to be internationalized, the same principle ought apply to the Suez Canal, controlled by the British, and the Panama Canal, controlled by the U.S. He added that the American dollar would overwhelm weaker currencies in Balkans trade if such a proposal were approved.

Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin supported the proposal for Britain, saying that the Danube posed a barrier between East and West as long as it was not free of trade discrimination.

The Rumanian treaty was taken up just seven hours after the conclusion of three extended sessions to finalize the Italian treaty, finally adopted the previous day. The plenary session was on schedule for its set completion of all five treaties by October 16, with the U.N. General Assembly set to begin meeting in New York on October 23.

The previous day, the Conference adopted by a vote of 15 to 6 the French proposal to internationalize Trieste, subject to control by the U.N. Security Council and to be administered by a governor appointed by the Council.

In Berlin, the Allied Control Council rejected the appeals of 16 of the 19 convicted defendants of the Nuremberg trials, refusing to commute the death sentences of the eleven defendants so sentenced or to reduce the sentences of five others, including the three life sentences. Thus, the sentences were now final and the death sentences by hanging would be carried out October 16, fifteen days after they were pronounced. The Council rejected the pleas also that the death sentences be accomplished instead by firing squad.

*The Nationalist Government in China officially placed China on war footing, restoring military control over 300 million civilians. All males between ages 18 and 45 were subject to conscription. Meanwhile four planes bombed Kalgan, the second city of the Communists, as Nationalist troops were reported within eight miles of the city.

The United States, Britain, and Turkey were solidly opposed to the second Soviet demand for joint control of the Dardanelles.

The State Department also announced that a 25 million dollar credit was being advanced to Greece to enable it to buy U. S. Army surplus property, to aid the Greek Government in the civil war in the country. Two other credits totaling 20 million dollars had been made in the spring.

U.S. Headquarters in Europe lifted bans on flights over Czechoslovakia and Hungary, but not over Rumania, following implementation of the ban suddenly the previous day. The order appeared to relate to Russian military maneuvers in the affected countries, but an Army spokesman stated that he did not know whether that was the reason.

Secretary of War Robert Patterson reported that a guided missile with a range far greater than the 300-mile range of the German V-2's was in development by the United States and would be produced within months. He also stated that the record flight of the "Truculent Turtle", a Navy bomber which flew 11,300 miles nonstop, would be broken within months, as well the 10,200 mile flight of the "Pacusan Dreamboat" B-29.

He also disputed the contention that the country was arming itself to the teeth, that the million-man Army was far less than the five-million man Army of Russia.

The Russian Embassy disputed the contention of the State Department that Russian Ambassador Nikolai Novikov, who had lodged a protest for discourteous treatment upon arrival at La Guardia in New York, had been treated with the usual diplomatic courtesies. The Ambassador refused to sign a statement that he had nothing illegal in his possession, claiming it violated diplomatic privilege. Customs officials had also refused his request to call the Soviet consul general and the consul general was denied access to the plane or the building in which the Ambassador was being held. Only after an hour delay and complete inspection was the Ambassador allowed to pass.

The two members of the Wage Stabilization Board representing industry resigned, stating their belief that the public-labor-management structure of the Board was no longer workable after the war. The Board had been severely weakened in authority when Reconversion director John Steelman, in resolving the prior maritime strike, overrode their decision to try to hold the line on wage increases.

The Sheriff of Broward County, Fla., stated that there were no clues in the shooting murders of a young couple, whose bodies were found on Dania Beach the previous day. They had not been robbed. Four men, however, were being questioned based on finding a pistol of the same caliber as the murder weapon in the cab in which the four were riding.

The meteor shower from the tail of the comet Giacobini-Zinner had been visible the previous night, rendering the greatest astronomical spectacle of the century. Most of the West and Midwest got good views as did observatories in Berkeley, Duluth, and Superior, Wisconsin. New York was clouded over, as was Texas.

In Sedalia, Texas, no movies had been shown at the three local theaters since August 17 because the Mayor was insisting on a 5 percent municipal tax on gross receipts. The theaters closed in protest. The Mayor thought it good to balance the business tax against high property taxes.

From Fenway Park in Boston, the St. Louis Cardinals were ahead of the Red Sox 6 to 1 after four innings of the fourth game of the World Series, standing at 2 games to 1 in favor of the Red Sox. Stay tuned.

On the editorial page, "South Carolina's Gift to Georgia" comments on Georgia's Democratic platform having as its number one plank a return to white supremacy. Governor-nominate Eugene Talmadge had control of the Democratic state convention to assure it, having appointed numerous Klansmen to populate the convention delegation. It was therefore a foregone conclusion that the Legislature would seek to deprive blacks of the franchise which they had exercised for the first time in the most recent primary.

In all likelihood, Georgia would adopt the legally untested plan of South Carolina to disfranchise blacks by making the Democratic Party a private organization able to regulate who would be its members and thus able theoretically to bar participation in the primaries of whomever it wanted without regard to Constitutional requirements.

The Atlanta Constitution had recently sent a reporter to investigate the South Carolina system and found it ripe for voter fraud as completely divorced from state machinery. The state Democratic chairman stated bluntly that police powers could not regulate the election, even such things as stealing and stuffing of ballot boxes, that regulation was limited to that of a private club, for such things as disturbing the peace. So quiet vote-stealing was beyond the reach of the law.

The person who would steal an election could not be subjected to the law, could only be barred from membership in the party. Many South Carolina attorneys thought the system beyond the reach of the law, as it was at present decided by the Supreme Court. That it was contrary to the intent of the law of the land appeared not to worry South Carolina Democrats, any more than it did Eugene Talmadge in Georgia.

It suggests that surely South Carolinians had to wonder whether it was an appropriate and sound system just to bar blacks from voting.

"The Debate Behind the Donnybrook" tells of the two sides of the price control debate. The businessmen wanted controls removed on the premise that the resultant stimulus to production would serve to correct prices which would rise only for a short time.

The Government wanted to retain controls for the protection of the average consumer making $35 per week. That consumer could not survive even a short-term period of inflation.

Both sides had their points. Both arguments were not new. But the extremists on each side had run away with the arguments, making the contest into a Donnybrook. There were still reasonable men on both sides, but they could not be heard over the din.

"What Changed the Board's Mind?" tells of the Charlotte Real Estate Board having three weeks earlier provided approval to the new zoning ordinance regarding required setbacks downtown on new construction, to enable widening of streets to alleviate congestion. The Board had then changed its mind and rescinded its approval.

The editorial was thus forced to take back the column's earlier statement that the Board had shown vision three weeks earlier, but hoped still that it might change its mind.

A piece from the Christian Science Monitor, titled "A Negro Moderate Speaks", tells of Amos Reese, associate editor of the Mound Bayou, Miss., News Digest, who advocated moderation by both whites and blacks and elimination on both sides of the extremists. He hoped that blacks would not pay attention to those extremists who wanted racial integration of schools and other public facilities. And he hoped that whites would not pay attention to the white race-baiting politicians of the South. He also did not believe migration to the North to be any help to the plight of Southern blacks.

The piece states that extremists served to sharpen issues and move things ahead, but it was ultimately the moderates who had to carry on once the issues were brought into the open. The moderates served as architects and engineers for social reform.

How far society had come within another 15 to 20 years can be measured by the notion that Mr. Reese could be seen in 1946 as a moderate while disfavoring racial integration even of schools. Within five to eight years, that concept would be completely outmoded, and by 1960, the entire mode of thinking would be considered archaic within the black community and even in much of the Southern white community.

Drew Pearson reports that the previous spring, President Truman had refused the request of Prime Minister Clement Attlee to stockpile atomic bombs in England. Unofficially, the reason was the concern that Britain might then be tempted to drop a bomb in the Near East. Shortly afterward, Canada announced that on January 1, 1947, it would depart the tripartite atomic agreement with the U.S. and Britain, meaning that the U.S. would no longer have its chief source of uranium. The result was that the Army had now sent atomic bombs to Northern England for stockpiling.

He next reports that several Federal judges who had departed their seats to do war work were able to resume their seats, including Judge John J. Parker of North Carolina, Marvin Jones of the Court of Claims, and Supreme Court Justices Robert Jackson and Frank Murphy, all Democrats. A Republican, Judge William Clark of New Jersey, however, had served in the Army and was wounded but was unable to get his seat back on the bench. He had presided over the trial of Boss Hague of Jersey City and Boss Hague had supported the nomination of Harry Truman as vice-president.

Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin of Britain refused to go along with a proposal by Secretary of State Byrnes that Britain and the United States issue a joint condemnation of the Franco Government in Spain to show that the Anglo-American bloc strongly opposed Fascism.

Secretary of State Byrnes had sent a note to Undersecretary Dean Acheson strongly opposing Russia's demand for joint control with Turkey of the Dardanelles.

General Marshall, the President's envoy to China, had cabled the President that he did not think any further effort at negotiation between the Communists and Nationalist Government would be fruitful and asked whether he should come home. The President replied that he would rely on General Marshall's sound judgment. The General would probably return to the United States on November 1, signaling an end to any further attempts to resolve the deepening civil war in Manchuria.

President Truman had asked Secretary Byrnes to draft a speech for the President to deliver at the convening in New York on October 23 of the U.N. General Assembly. The President wanted to follow the Byrnes foreign policy to the letter, after the debacle with former Secretary of Commerce Henry Wallace which led to his forced resignation on September 20.

**The AFL refused an offer by CBS to appear on a weekly radio forum with eight other labor, business, and farm organizations because it would not appear on any platform with CIO representatives.

**General Patrick Hurley was running for the Senate from New Mexico though his native state was Oklahoma. A lot of Easterners went to New Mexico to cut their political teeth. General Hurley claimed that he had been a resident since 1935, but the IRB found that he had not filed taxes there in that year or the ensuing several years, causing Mr. Pearson to conclude that either General Hurley was seriously delinquent in taxes or not a resident of New Mexico during the claimed years.

RNC chairman Carroll Reece had stated that Idaho Senatorial candidate George Donner was following a Communist-Socialist line when advocating the establishment of the Columbia River Valley Authority. But Mr. Reece, while in Congress from Tennessee, had voted for the TVA, forerunner to the CVA. He had been defeated for re-election in 1930 for his opposition to TVA and so reversed his position in 1932.

**Secretary of Labor Lewis Schwellenbach was upset at the Maritime Commission having reversed its position in the recent maritime strike. Had the commission adopted the Secretary's view on preferential hiring on government-owned vessels and maintenance of membership contracts, he believed the strike would have settled more easily. The commission changed its position because major West Coast operators Matson and the American-Hawaiian had threatened to turn back the 40 percent of their ships which they operated for the Government if the commission stuck to its agreement with the Secretary.

**Denotes portion of Pearson column not in The News this date.

Marquis Childs returns from his trip to Scandinavia, saying that he had cut short the trip, which would have extended into Central Europe, that he might return to America before the election, which he deemed far more important in the eyes of Europeans as a signal of the direction of the country than it was to Americans at home. The perception of the country in Europe was one caught in a vast whirlpool of events, with strikes and ideological division plaguing the economy and threatening the ability of the United States to afford world leadership.

Such spokesmen as former Congressman Hamilton Fish, warning of Communism threatening the United States, were beginning to re-emerge on the political landscape. Mr. Childs sees it as the surest way to create Communists and a Fascist movement to counteract them.

Henry Wallace, he opines, had done a disservice to the country by furthering the schism in American politics rather than acting as the healing agent which he had within his power to be.

The country had the means within its grasp to act as a world leader economically and politically, but was squandering the opportunity with internal division at home, a division magnified when seen from abroad, causing foreigners to lose confidence in the country.

On one side of the divide were those who wanted to retreat to a non-existent past, while on the other there were those who wished to eliminate all differences and distinctions on the ideological spectrum. Both, he concludes, were inimical to the country.

Samuel Grafton remarks on the hypocrisy demonstrated by the conservative press organs in the country with regard to anyone daring to apply the word "fascist" to the ideas voiced by Republicans, as had Congressman Wright Patman of Texas. He was sure to be blasted by editorial accusation of overstatement and misapplication, with the writers taking exception, that "Fascism" applied only to Hitler's Nazis or Mussolini's party in Italy.

But whenever a Republican branded all Democratic liberals as "Communist", no similar objection was raised.

He concludes that the phenomenon proved that there were likely more conservative publishing outlets in the country than liberal and that the penchant for labeling the other side Communist while taking grave offense at anyone suggesting Republicans as Fascist probably proved something about the Republican labelers—that they, just as their counterparts in Europe had sought to squelch and squash free speech, were Fascists.

A letter thinks it commendable for the newspaper to strive for two-party government in North Carolina. He praises R. F. Beasley's editorial from the Farm & Home Weekly, which had been reprinted on the editorial page August 16, but disagrees with his statement that the Democratic Party had been liberal for a century. He contends that it had only come into power when it became liberal and usually was turned out when it turned conservative. Certainly, Southern Democrats were not liberals. He also thinks that Mr. Beasley's suggestion that members of Congress should follow state platforms was ill-advised, that state platforms were for state legislators.

He found Mr. Beasley to be a fence-straddler in preservation of a one-party system.

The editors respond that Mr. Beasley was not a fence-straddler but was well-versed in Southern politics, as much so as any editor around. He had argued that North Carolina generally had done as well under a one-party system as it would have under a two-party system. He astutely contended that neither Democrats nor Republicans in the South had ever been able to maintain party discipline. The editors often disagreed with him, but he was no apologist for the Democratic Party, often criticized it.

A letter responds to a letter writer of September 28 who had taken issue with the author's previous letter criticizing another letter writer who had defended the proposition that America was not seeking to export democracy to Eastern Europe while Russia was seeking to expand the Soviet sphere into Eastern Europe. He now finds himself caught between the first letter writer's story about Russia and the second letter writer's true story about the American who preferred to return to serve a jail sentence in the U.S. rather than to remain free in Russia. He says that he did not intend to stir such controversy with his letter.

*Denotes story not on front page of The News, culled from other front pages of this date.

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