Thursday, January 17, 1946

The Charlotte News

Thursday, January 17, 1946


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Secretary of Labor Lewis Schwellenbach had appointed a fact-finding board which included future University of California president Clark Kerr, then a faculty member at Berkeley, to make recommendations regarding the meatpackers strike. The AFL Amalgamated Meat Cutters and the Butcher Workmen Union had indicated that they were prepared to accept a 15 cents per hour wage hike rather than the originally demanded 25 cents; the CIO United Packinghouse Workers, however, maintained their demand at 17.5 cents with later negotiations to be reserved for the additional 7.5 cents. The meat packers had offered thus far only ten cents an hour in wage increases.

The previous evening, the President gave notice to Benjamin Fairless, president of U.S. Steel, and Philip Murray, head of CIO, that they had until the afternoon hours of this date to reach an accord to avert the steel strike scheduled to begin the following Monday or he would intervene and take action. The two sides remained deadlocked 4.5 cents apart, with steel offering 15 cents per hour. It was believed that the Government would likely recommend 17.5 or 18 cents as a compromise.

The electrical workers offered to submit their grievance to arbitration in the three-day old strike of 200,000 workers, primarily at G.E., Westinghouse, and G.M.

Ford and the UAW remained at loggerheads, with Ford willing to offer no more than a 17.5 percent wage increase, while the Government had recommended 19.5 percent in the G.M. strike. Ford was not yet on strike.

The first meeting of the U.N. Security Council took place in London, with the first order of business being Iran's complaint against Russia for territorial incursion in the Azerbaijan Province dispute with Iranian Insurgents, being protected against Iranian Government troops by Russian troops. The Insurgents were thought to have been armed and encouraged by the Russians, wishing a satellite in northern Iran.

The General Assembly heard a plea by the Foreign Minister of Czechoslovakia, Jan Masaryk, to turn the entire world armament system, including nuclear power, over to the U.N.

British Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin indicated that three of Britain's post-World War I mandates from the League of Nations, the Cameroons, Togoland, and Tanganyika, were in the process of being converted to trusteeships under the U.N. The other two mandates were Palestine and Trans-Jordan.

Belgium, likewise, was preparing to transfer to the same status Ruanda and Urandi in East Africa.

Rear Admiral Husband Kimmel, continuing his testimony before the joint Congressional committee investigating Pearl Harbor, stated that he never conceived of the Fleet in Hawaii as a defensive mechanism but rather an offensive force. He also testified that he did not consider the message received from the Navy Department on November 27, 1941 to be a "war warning", that it was little different from the previous messages which warned of possible enemy action from Japan. He had never seen the term "war warning" used in any message of the time and thus was not influenced to discontinue training exercises and undertake positive security measures. The Rear Admiral stated that he did not have sufficient surface units or submarines to conduct patrols from all directions off Oahu, and did not consider patrols to the north and west of the island to be practicable.

General MacArthur had sent a cable to General Eisenhower warning that if the Army were allowed to dip below the targeted 400,000 men in the Pacific by July 1, then there would be insufficient forces to carry out occupation duties in Japan and Korea.

In Nuremberg, not covered on the page, the British and Americans having finished their presentation of evidence, the French provided their opening statement to the war crimes tribunal.

Hal Boyle takes considerable issue with H. L. Mencken, who had recently stated, as quoted after the piece, that the reporters who covered the war had not done a good job of it, had been "a sorry lot", either "typewriter statesmen turning out dope stuff drearily dreamed up" or "sentimental human interest scribblers turning out maudlin stuff about the common soldier easy to get by the censors."

Mr. Boyle states that it had been a difficult job to clear things through sometimes arbitrary censorship but that, by and large, the reporters had performed admirably and remarkably under the worst of circumstances, often under fire. He cites Ernie Pyle as not being among the latter category, as expressly included by Mr. Mencken. Mr. Pyle had lost his life April 18, 1945 on Ie Jima when a Japanese sniper shot him shortly after his arrival from the European theater. Indeed, Mr. Boyle points out, Mr. Pyle had caused considerable irritation to the Army brass in Tunisia in 1943 at the beginning of his coverage of the North African campaign, the commanders fearing that he was compromising soldier morale. In fact, he had bolstered it considerably, as told by the men themselves to Mr. Boyle during his tour of the front.

"They wrote boldly, critically and fully. Not since William Howard Russell of the London Times stirred the world with his uncensored accounts of the Crimean battles has there been more honest war coverage."

To the claim of Mr. Mencken that he could not even tell who the general was who had been defeated in the Battle of the Bulge, Mr. Boyle responds that it had been accurately reported at the time that it was General Gerd von Rundstedt.

A photograph appears of the Japanese-Filipino translator in Manila, Takuma Higashiji, smiling broadly after confessing at his war crimes trial to the murder of 200 Filipinos and the rape of numerous Filipino women. He stated that he believed he deserved a ten-year sentence.

Another photograph appears of the Badgett quadruplets in Galveston as they approached their seventh birthday on February 1. The sisters had become celebrities since birth.

Near Spearmint, Colorado, a herd of cattle attacked a Denver & Rio Grande Western Railroad freight train and overturned the caboose, slightly injuring the conductor and brakeman. Why the piece was titled "Cattle's Nerve Good, But Not Their Judgment" is left for the reader to discern. Maybe there was some cattle feed in the freight cars or something like that.

Or, maybe Juicy Fruit.

On the editorial page, "The Twain Meet" finds the muddy secondary roads in both the Western and Eastern rural areas of the state to be in equal need of attention, and that there was considerable movement among the rural dwellers to get action forthwith or the legislators should be prepared to be voted out of office come summer.

"No Ceiling, That Is" finds the rhetoric of the Southern members of Congress regarding the threat that if OPA placed ceiling prices on cotton, then OPA would be allowed to expire at the end of June, to be an opportunity to voice support for cotton farmers, even if it was unlikely that OPA would institute the ceilings, unless there were some motivating need based on sudden rise in prices.

But, the piece points out that should price controls be taken away, the farmer would not in the end benefit. For while he would receive more from his cotton, he would also pay more for fertilizer, seed, labor, and equipment, as release of price controls would also allow those items to rise as well.

"To Fit the Crime" suggests New York Times reporter Gladwyn Hill to be mischaracterizing the Army newsreels being shown the Germans as "inept". Based on the descriptions, they were similar to the newsreels shown by the commercial companies before movies, and were fitting for a people in need of punishment. They had shown the Germans quiet scenes of American and British life juxtaposed to German suffering, as well as the usual fare of inane material which inevitably occurred in newsreels for American civilian consumption.

The piece wonders why the newsreel companies insisted on such jejune material when far more important matters than a greyhound race or a sailboat in a Florida harbor, or Moroccans wrestling in Algiers, were available as subject matter.

A piece from the Shelby Daily Star, titled "The Tar Heel Share", finds the Federal Government to have calculated the share of each North Carolinian in the Federal debt to be $1,267, which seemed modest compared to the overall burden. But it questioned the method of calculation because it was based on the state's ability to pay rather than population. But then it divided the total debt thus owed by the state by the number of people, each of whom paid taxes based on ability to pay. Thus, the individual burden, it believes, ought be figured differently.

Drew Pearson discusses the conference recently between presidential chief of staff Admiral William Leahy and the President, in which Admiral Leahy conveyed his belief that the commitment made by President Roosevelt to Prime Minister Churchill at Yalta to maintain a two-million man occupation force in Europe after the war was unrealistic. Admiral Leahy had so informed FDR at the time. He had predicted that what was now transpiring would occur, that once the war was over, the men would wish to come home, not remain abroad.

He favored a pared down force in each theater, comprised of volunteers specifically trained for the purpose of occupation.

Mr. Pearson next relates of Governor Thomas Dewey having suggested to a reporter doing his profile during the 1944 campaign that he change the Governor's Saturday poker habit to bridge to accommodate sensitive readers. Former Secretary of State Cordell Hull, however, was not so concerned. His official biographer had sent him manuscripts for approval, which contained the anecdotal rendering of his poker skills during the Spanish-American War as being so proficient that he had kept his company out of funds. Mr. Hull returned the manuscript with the word "company" changed to "regiment", the difference, as Mr. Pearson notes, being 170 men in the former and about 2,800 in the latter.

Maury Maverick, the chairman of the Smaller War Plants Corporation, had produced for the President a critical report of the situation in China, indicating that the American troops there were quite disturbed by the retention of 20,000 Japanese troops by Chiang Kai-Shek to put down rival factions. When Mr. Maverick had landed at Peiping, he found a thousand Marines on one side of the runway and 600 armed Japanese on the other. The Marines reported their outrage at being forced by Chiang to cooperate with their former enemy.

Mr. Maverick also reported that the Russians and British were returning to normal trade relations with China while the Americans were being kept at arm's length.

He concluded that he did not much favor the Chiang Government but that peace in the country was of critical importance to maintain.

Mr. Pearson adds the note that reports were suggesting that General Marshall had facilitated a peace plan for China.

Marquis Childs discusses the loss of good will by the labor movement in some of its recent strike activity, especially as essential services, such as the telephone, were being interrupted. He comments that it began to appear that there was a conscious effort by labor leaders to destroy the gains made by labor since 1933. Congress was resentful of the strikes and anti-labor legislation was likely to be the result.

Labor should support, he contends, limited legislation which would prevent strikes in essential services such as hospitals and utilities. He favors an amendment to the Labor Department law to allow a declaration of an emergency in certain essential industries such as transportation and coal, to enable prevention of a strike until a special arbitration panel could be appointed to try to settle the dispute. Labor's support of a such a measure would inevitably prevent the erosion of good will by preventing strikes to such essential services. And with coal and other such industries being dominated by a single union, such a move only made sense to prevent crippling industry-wide strikes.

Regardless, some legislation was coming and how reasonable it would be would largely depend on labor itself.

Samuel Grafton again looks at the opening meetings of the first formal session of the U.N., being held in London, and finds it grappling with definition for its role in world affairs. The Russians appeared to view the General Assembly as a place where the major powers could meet and structure their own agreements among themselves, not an opportunity for the voice of the Assembly to be heard. The Russians were resistant to parliamentary procedure, resistant to the notion that the majority could override the will of the strongest individual members.

At the other extreme were the small nations who viewed the Assembly as the voice of the organization and its individual members as ciphers. They had reportedly been reassured the previous weekend at news that the major powers could not agree on certain matters, leaving the Assembly to make the determination. The fact appeared disturbing. France and China were said to be leaning toward the viewpoint of the smaller nations, favoring a collective voice of the General Assembly as the determinative force of the body.

Were the United States to follow its democratic tradition and adopt this small-nation view, then it would tend to alienate Russia by leaving it alone to fend against the General Assembly. The result was that Secretary of State Byrnes was attempting to compromise with Russia by working with them on election strategy, but also insisting that they follow parliamentary rules of the Assembly.

A piece from The Christian Science Monitor, titled "The Russians Know the UNO Ropes", finds the Russians being well aware of the parliamentary game to be exploited at the U.N. meeting. They had skillfully used the rules during three months of preparatory meetings to this first conference of the General Assembly. They had deftly maneuvered in San Francisco to set up in the Charter the unilateral veto on the Security Council and had gotten determination of all of the major territorial issues, treaty questions, and security questions by private meetings between the Big Three since, at Potsdam, Moscow, and London.

Andrei Gromyko, Soviet Ambassador to the United States, had been the most diligent delegate to the preliminary meetings, always present, working dutifully, and thus earning praise from the international press. In debate, the Russian delegation remained silent when matters favored their position, waited until just the right moment to let the hammer drop when things were going against them. Mr. Gromyko, or one of the delegates of the Soviet satellites, would then rise dramatically and pick on a weak point in the opposition's argument, with great effectiveness in swaying undecided votes.

Whether their success at such parliamentary tactics would cause increasing liberty at home remained to be determined. Regardless, they knew their way around the game after three months of preparation at it.

A letter writer compliments North Carolina Secretary of State Thad Eure for his efforts, albeit unsuccessful, to get the Student Legislative Assembly to withdraw its vote to seat black students in the next annual Assembly. He thinks that the letter of support of the student action from University of North Carolina president Frank Porter Graham was one which would take a Philadelphia lawyer to understand.

He observes, most astutely, eisegetically, in the long and fine tradition of the South, with white silk robes waving in the wind as the pointy hoods stretched moonward amid the weeping willows drooping into the misty dawn over the snarling vines of the lime-shaded swamp, as the horses sprung across the countryside to string up another wayward Negro in their midst:

"There is no real Christian that wants the Negro maltreated, but we white people as a race had nothing to do with the Negro being placed in the position the sin of one of their forebear's placed them in. These preachers of equality for the Negro overlook the word of God, Gen. 9:22, 24, 25, 26 and 27: 'And Ham, the father of Caanan, saw the nakedness of his father, and told his two brethren without, And Noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger son had done unto him. And he said cursed be Caanan: a SERVANT of SERVANTS shall be he unto his brethren.'" And SERVANT and SERVANT and SERVE, and so forth.

He concludes by saying, after quoting from Luke 17:7-9: "This Scripture from Lukes Gospel were spoken by none other than the Lord, Jesus Christ."

The editors, being smart aleck Yankee-inclined atheists, add: "Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them; for this is the law and the prophets. Matthew. 7.12."

Well, now, that's a fine howdy-do. Aren't you the smart one?

We can read the Scripture, and it says right there that Caanan was a servant, several times. Caanan was to be a servant to his brethren. And since Caanan was plainly black as the Ace of Spades, we know what that means. He was to be a servant to his Brethren, us white folks, because Ham saw Noah's nakedness. And anybody who shall dispute it goes against the word of Jesus Christ, himself, and so is evil and has committed unrighteous sin, from which it is our sworn duties as White Knights of the Klu Klucks Klaanan to lynch all these Negroes who get out of line, and any white folks who try to unjustify it, also.

Who can dispute that? If you do, you go against the Word.

In any event, he promised to vote for Mr. Eure in the future, even though he had not before done so. Whether Mr. Eure really wanted his vote is another question.

One cannot blame the gentleman too much though. He was undoubtedly under the irremediable, occlusive spell of the Reverend Thornton Stringfellow from 1856.

The South Shall Rise Again!

1 Then said he unto the disciples, It is impossible but that offences will come: but woe unto him, through whom they come!

2 It were better for him that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and he cast into the sea, than that he should offend one of these little ones.

3 Take heed to yourselves: If thy brother trespass against thee, rebuke him; and if he repent, forgive him.

4 And if he trespass against thee seven times in a day, and seven times in a day turn again to thee, saying, I repent; thou shalt forgive him.

5 And the apostles said unto the Lord, Increase our faith.

6 And the Lord said, If ye had faith as a grain of mustard seed, ye might say unto this sycamine tree, Be thou plucked up by the root, and be thou planted in the sea; and it should obey you.

7 But which of you, having a servant plowing or feeding cattle, will say unto him by and by, when he is come from the field, Go and sit down to meat?

8 And will not rather say unto him, Make ready wherewith I may sup, and gird thyself, and serve me, till I have eaten and drunken; and afterward thou shalt eat and drink?

9 Doth he thank that servant because he did the things that were commanded him? I trow not.

10 So likewise ye, when ye shall have done all those things which are commanded you, say, We are unprofitable servants: we have done that which was our duty to do.

11 And it came to pass, as he went to Jerusalem, that he passed through the midst of Samaria and Galilee.

12 And as he entered into a certain village, there met him ten men that were lepers, which stood afar off:

13 And they lifted up their voices, and said, Jesus, Master, have mercy on us.

14 And when he saw them, he said unto them, Go shew yourselves unto the priests. And it came to pass, that, as they went, they were cleansed.

15 And one of them, when he saw that he was healed, turned back, and with a loud voice glorified God,

16 And fell down on his face at his feet, giving him thanks: and he was a Samaritan.

17 And Jesus answering said, Were there not ten cleansed? but where are the nine?

18 There are not found that returned to give glory to God, save this stranger.

19 And he said unto him, Arise, go thy way: thy faith hath made thee whole.

20 And when he was demanded of the Pharisees, when the kingdom of God should come, he answered them and said, The kingdom of God cometh not with observation:

21 Neither shall they say, Lo here! or, lo there! for, behold, the kingdom of God is within you.

22 And he said unto the disciples, The days will come, when ye shall desire to see one of the days of the Son of man, and ye shall not see it.

23 And they shall say to you, See here; or, see there: go not after them, nor follow them.

24 For as the lightning, that lighteneth out of the one part under heaven, shineth unto the other part under heaven; so shall also the Son of man be in his day.

25 But first must he suffer many things, and be rejected of this generation.

26 And as it was in the days of Noe, so shall it be also in the days of the Son of man.

27 They did eat, they drank, they married wives, they were given in marriage, until the day that Noah entered into the ark, and the flood came, and destroyed them all.

28 Likewise also as it was in the days of Lot; they did eat, they drank, they bought, they sold, they planted, they builded;

29 But the same day that Lot went out of Sodom it rained fire and brimstone from heaven, and destroyed them all.

30 Even thus shall it be in the day when the Son of man is revealed.

31 In that day, he which shall be upon the housetop, and his stuff in the house, let him not come down to take it away: and he that is in the field, let him likewise not return back.

32 Remember Lot's wife.

33 Whosoever shall seek to save his life shall lose it; and whosoever shall lose his life shall preserve it.

34 I tell you, in that night there shall be two men in one bed; the one shall be taken, and the other shall be left.

35 Two women shall be grinding together; the one shall be taken, and the other left.

36 Two men shall be in the field; the one shall be taken, and the other left.

37 And they answered and said unto him, Where, Lord? And he said unto them, Wheresoever the body is, thither will the eagles be gathered together.

Framed Edition
[Return to Links
Page by Subject] [Return to Links-Page by Date] [Return to News<i><i><i>--</i></i></i>Framed Edition]
Links-Date -- Links-Subj.