Tuesday, September 4, 1945

The Charlotte News

Tuesday, September 4, 1945

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the occupation of Japan was expanding with new landings of American troops, that the occupation of Tokyo would begin on Friday with an initial force of 3,350 men. The occupation troops would first half encircle the capital, with a total of 100,000 troops scheduled to have been landed by nightfall on this date, with 400,000 more scheduled for September.

The Emperor opened a two-day session of the Diet.

American correspondents were to be allowed to attend the Japanese Diet without restrictions. Initially, the Japanese had told them that there was to be no smoking, no drinking, and that they would be searched—presumably for cigarettes and bootleg whisky.

General MacArthur abolished all three orders.

The House of Peers sharply criticized General Tojo for having deluded the nation into thinking it could win the war. Former Premier Reijiro Wakatsuki stated that the nation had been led to believe by the Government that it had more military power than it had. He had wanted to fight the United States at the beginning of the war, but now found that there were no guns, no aircraft, no men, forcing the Japanese to accept the Potsdam Declaration.

What a pity.

Domei, claiming that there had been six cases of brutality, 38 cases of looting, and other unlawful conduct by the occupation forces, advised the Japanese people to keep their doors locked, that women should wear conservative clothing and avoid travel by night, scream should someone be breaking into the home—loudly, then bite, scratch, and tear off insignia in case of attack. They urged neighborhood associations to cooperate to prevent such incidents. Above all, don't display watches, pens, or other valuables. Prove victimization to the authorities.

We might see such signs on the average American college campus today. It has not always been that way.

Vern Haugland visited Hiroshima and describes what he saw. Streetcars were running along streets without buildings, four weeks after the bomb had dropped. Everything, he reported, was smashed to the earth. By comparison, Hamburg, Bremen, and Berlin had been scarcely touched. A local palace for the Emperor had been reduced to a three-foot pile of concrete. The people of the city, reported Japanese journalists, hated Americans and thought them fiendish for sending this weapon into their midst.

The chief of police had warned the American journalists that they might be attacked. Pedestrians and bicylists stared blankly at the party, but in an unthreatening manner.

Eighty percent of the 2,000 Allied war prisoners already freed from Japanese prison camps were said to be in serious condition, suffering from extreme malnutrition and various diseases.

President Truman was preparing a comprehensive message for Congress and would soon provide his views on disposition of the atomic bomb.

An economist for the United States Chamber of Commerce predicted a great boom coming in the American economy.

Those in the service eager for their discharge papers may see the revised point schedules set forth by the Army, carried on the page.

We would like to know who this fellow John Jones is.

Hal Boyle discusses the Marines in Japan, found them to differ from the soldiers he had been around in Africa and Sicily over two years earlier. The Marines were not as affable, bragged more, and complained more. He didn't know whether they fought better because he got to the Pacific too late to see them in any real action.

But the Marines were the cockiest of the American servicemen. Clannish, they would eventually admit a new member and open up. But sailors were never allowed.

A lieutenant from Pennsylvania told Mr. Boyle that fighting the Japanese on the beaches made the European battles appear as gentlemanly jousts. He had been shot through his ear by a Japanese sniper on Okinawa in the spring.

On the editorial page, "The Time to Start" discusses the Charlotte slum problem and suggests that something concrete, with the war over, needed to be undertaken immediately to eradicate it.

Progress had been made and consciousness aroused, but specific actions still had not been initiated to attack the condition.

"Let's quit shuffling and deal," urges the piece.

"A Little Feudin'" comments on Randolph County, where anything could happen. Republicans were not extinct there. It was a microcosm of North Carolina in terms of its politics, vittles, social consciousness, and behavior patterns.

A feud had developed between Asheboro and Randleman. On August 15, 58 Randolph boys got into a fisticuffian duel in the streets of Randleman, some as young as 14 years of age. They were given 30-day sentences, suspended, and warned to cease their duality.

But then, five nights later, the Randleman boys had a rumble, wielding knives and broken bottles, stabbing one another, causing one boy to lose an eye. These five boys were bound over to Superior Court and held in lieu of a thousand-dollar bond.

Only the Deep River separated these boys and yet they could not get along.

"That's how we get along, in a typical North Carolina community, when there are no barriers of language, tariff and understanding between us."

"Not Again" finds the old post-war policy after the first war coming back, the notion that the country could spend its way to prosperity by staking other countries on the hope of return in trade once they reached prosperity.

While it was true that, as the only wealthy nation left on earth after the war, America would need to spend to enable international trade again to flourish, the former policy should not be followed to the end of merely spending to grease the wheels of trade, as it would eventually follow the law of diminishing returns and cause economic difficulties as in the 1920's.

It concluded that if the country could not find means through the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to stabilize currencies and increase trade, then the country was "as good as done for".

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Representative Butler B. Hare of South Carolina discussing the anti-poll tax legislation before the House, warning that if the Federal Government continued to usurp the powers reserved to the states, he looked for a time when the states would "rise in their right and might and strike this Great Government of ours both 'hip and thigh'", putting some clarifying amendments into the Constitution.

Drew Pearson returns after a two-week vacation, discusses the return of Congress after the summer recess—during which the first atomic bombs had been dropped and the war ended.

The Congressmen were being besieged by mail from G.I.'s, wanting to go home, especially those still in uniform stateside who had returned from overseas. Mr. Pearson predicts that the election in 1946 might turn on how the next few weeks went insofar as the release of veterans from the service, whether Governor Dewey's contention during the 1944 election campaign would prove true, that the Army and Navy were planning to hold men in service to stem unemployment and maintain a fighting force.

Many in Congress believed that the Army brass hats had not been playing cricket with them. For instance, they had received varying figures, between 160,000 and 300,000, from the Army as to the number of men age 38-39, the variance taking place just between June and August.

In May, after V-E Day, the Army contended that there were 1.388 million men with 85 points, the minimum number needed for discharge. But at this juncture, they had admitted that only half a million men had those points. Nor had the Army reduced the points since V-E Day.

The result was that veterans with ribbons were being used to pick up matches to keep them busy during the discharge revision process. It was causing the G.I.'s considerable perturbation.

He next turns to Margaret Truman, the First Daughter, who was digging her grave, he says, with the press. She had now offended the Chamber of Commerce back in Independence by refusing to pose, at the request of the Chamber, for photos to appear in National Geographic. Three young women were then selected to pose on the sidewalk leading to the Truman home. The Secret Service initially had registered no objection.

But two days later, the head of the Kansas City Secret Service called the magazine to say that Margaret Truman did not want those photos published or to have these three young women posing on the sidewalk to the Truman home.

The Chamber of Commerce was displeased, especially when it discovered that Ms. Truman had posed in the back yard of the Truman home with her aunt, Mrs. George Wallace, for Fox Movietone News.

Finally, he tells that G.I.'s had accepted the President's explanation as to why they could not bring their wives to Europe. But, Mrs. Ed Pauley had accompanied her husband to Moscow when he had gone to chair the reparations commission. She was also provided $25 per day while overseas, despite having done little other than to act pleasant. Moreover, the Russians had paid for all expenses of the mission. She had been on the trip for 80 days and so presumably collected $2,000.

Dorothy Thompson discusses the many open questions left by the Potsdam Agreement, such as the determination of the German-Polish frontiers and the disposition of the German population in those areas. Reports had it that the Russians and Polish Government were already displacing the Germans in the area east of the Oder and Niesse.

While favoring the dissolution of Germany since the aftermath of World War I, Ms. Thompson also asks whether the wholesale removal of a million or more people to unknown destinations was not the equivalent of extermination or slavery. Was it an example of the old dreaded adage: might makes right?

If the United States abandoned its principles abroad, would it not soon lose them at home?

Allowing the Russians to expropriate the German manufacturing machinery stripped one class, the industrialists, by way of compensating the Russians. It would likely have a serious impact on the entire European economy. The Russians were looting Austria in its zone of occupation, causing individuals, not the Austrian state, to pay reparations, as in Germany. Some of the properties being taken belonged to G.M. and Ford.

The ultimate outcome, she predicts, would be the extinction of legal property rights and elimination of human rights, leading on to chaos. The most ruthless individuals and parties would be able then to obtain power out of this morass, as soon as the Allies would withdraw.

Returning from vacation, Samuel Grafton discusses the aftermath of the war, that America had come out of it with a new greatness. But that greatness was tempered by embarrassment at being the mighty.

So suddenly ending Lend-Lease had embarrassed the American Allies, especially Britain and France. It showed not that the country was great, but merely big. It was done to hasten reconversion, to allow the pursuit of happiness: new nylon stockings, a new refrigerator, and a new car.

He suggests that President Truman would need to do a lot of soul-searching on this new position of the country and articulate for the American people the direction in which they were headed.

He tells of being able in a little town to buy 20 gallons of unrationed gas within a few days following V-J Day. He was then able to buy newspapers telling how cold Europe would be during the coming winter. It did not feel like greatness.

The muddled policy presently in effect had produced the result that food was about to be shipped to Germany but not to Britain.

It was the product of "small and weak conceptions, unequal to the grandeur of the nation which entertains them."

Marquis Childs suggests that Labor Day weekend, just gone by, had allowed Americans to rest and forget the long struggle they had been through, going to the beaches and resorts, where crowds were streaming, nearly so great as prior to Pearl Harbor. Now, one could get a full tank, no longer needing to take the train or the bus.

But, he reminds soberly, it was best not to forget that the United States was an island of haves in a sea of have-not nations. General De Gaulle, in his visit with President Truman, had sought to provide a general picture of the condition of France rather than coming with particular requests for aid in hand. He brought two maps of France, one showing the area of destruction on November 11, 1918 at the Armistice, the other, France on V-E Day. Only the Channel areas had been badly affected by the first war; the second had caused pervasive damage across the nation, each province being harmed to the extent of 20 percent or more of its area.

But America could not shoulder the burden to rebuild Europe.

General De Gaulle, however, hoped for some alliance which would bring about economic cooperation. It would be an answer to the radicals of the right and left who insisted that there was no other avenue than a controlled economy under Fascism or Communism.

While President Truman had no choice but to end Lend-Lease, it appeared to have been undertaken too abruptly. In the post-war peace, there would be needed equivalent creative thinking to that which had brought about Lend-Lease, "the courage of new ideas."

With the Army making average cuts of 25 percent in its orders for the fall, there would be many thousands of tons of food available. The question was whether it should simply enable the ending of rationing in the country or whether it should go to feed Europe, to fight anarchy which might otherwise result during the long winter ahead.

Common sense, he suggests, promoted the latter result.

"In an electronic-atomic world, you cannot live alone and like it."

First there was the lamb on knocking knees
And three dead seasons on a climbing grave
That Adam's wether in the flock of horns,
Butt of the tree-tailed worm that mounted Eve,
Horned down with skullfoot and the skull of toes
On thunderous pavements in the garden of time;
Rip of the vaults, I took my marrow-ladle
Out of the wrinkled undertaker's van,
And, Rip Van Winkle from a timeless cradle,
Dipped me breast-deep in the descending bone;
The black ram, shuffling of the year, old winter,
Alone alive among his mutton fold,
We rung our weathering changes on the ladder,
Said the antipodes, and twice spring chimed.

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