Monday, September 17, 1945

The Charlotte News

Monday, September 17, 1945

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the hurricane had moved across South Carolina this date, having already caused five deaths, two in the South Carolina town of Gourin, 12 miles from Kingstree, producing also 50 million dollars worth of damage after striking Miami. Charleston escaped with little damage, hit only by heavy rains and winds with speeds up to 58 mph.

It was predicted that the storm would enter North Carolina in Columbus County and move toward Virginia through Gates County. At Rockingham, having been for awhile recently home to the late Tom Jimison, two mill dams had collapsed, flooding homes and roads, sweeping away cattle, hogs, and poultry. Chickens which had flown the coop were observed on rooftops in Rockingham. Two plants of the Pee Dee Mill in West Rockingham were flooded. Flood damage was estimated in the area at a million dollars.

I myself have all the other,
And the very ports they blow,
All the quarters that they know
I' the shipman's card.
I will drain him dry as hay:
Sleep shall neither night nor day
Hang upon his pent-house lid;
He shall live a man forbid:
Weary se'nnights nine times nine
Shall he dwindle, peak and pine:
Though his bark cannot be lost,
Yet it shall be tempest-tost.
Look what I have.

Pity the poor immigrants.

We read everything. Don't blame the honorable returning veterans though, just those who sought to crawl into their shoes for untoward purpose. The names may be the same or similar, but the faces have been re-arranged, as the wastrels carried perdition in their costrels for ill gain, attempting to distract for a decade with their rain.

Oh, what a deadly wot to the eye shall thee mote when first practice thou omnisciently to connote. We've a rope for such connivers. Shall we swing them at high noon from the gibbets divers? A tost to their livers: that they may be short and full of holes, as the cold wind blows from the ether across the nether.

Miami was reported recovering from "hurricane hangover", whether merely involving clean-up of debris or too many of those Hurricanes served in some areas, not being reported. Biscayne Boulevard's towering and protected royal palm trees were shorn of their fronds. The millionaire's retreat of South Biscayne Bay, the "shack colony" of sun cabanas, had been wiped out. The Quarterdeck Club survived. You may have a nice crab cocktail this evening, but nothing stronger, please.

But the Probus Club and the Swan Club "disappeared". When they might reappear, only the persons in charge would know.

Street Department crews were busy this date clearing away the debris, which included cocoanuts, palm fronds, tree branches, signs, electric fixtures, and general muck.

Electricity in Miami remained not currented.

Reported a Miami Herald columnist, "Miami is too dowdy to be a glamor girl among cities today."

Sounds as a bit of a gibe-knocker to the Charlotte News, if you ask us.

General MacArthur reported that occupation was proceeding in Japan so smoothly that he hoped to cut occupation forces to not more than 200,000 within six months. He suggested that it had been one of history's great gambles, if not, by the wabe, gybes, to land occupation forces beginning August 31 before a still armed Japanese military outnumbering the landing forces a thousand to one.

Of course, we must recall that uppermost in the Japanese psyche was the threat of more atomic bombs should they not be cooperative at this juncture in history.

Five Americans had been killed after being paraded through Hong Kong during the war, forced to wear signs reading, "These are the American devils who bombed us." Only six of 3,550 British and Australian prisoners taken to Borneo were known still to be alive. Many died as part of two death marches through the mountains during January.

A secret Gestapo handbook used during the war surfaced which had asserted that the International Boy Scouts had been employed by the British Secret Service as intelligence gathering forces and a propaganda dissemination device.

Radio propagandist for the Nazis during the war, Lord Haw Haw, a.k.a. William Joyce, on trial for treason in London, had his barrister's motion for dismissal disallowed, having raised the contention that Lord Haw Haw was not properly a British subject and therefore not triable on a charge of treason. The court ruled that there was sufficient evidence to put the matter to a jury for determination.

Haw-haw, haw, haw-haw-haw.

The Navy assured the Senate Military Committee, now holding hearings on the Army and Navy discharge efforts, that by Christmas it would discharge 764,000 enlisted men plus 75,000 officers.

During the hearing, Senator Harold Burton of Ohio, about to be appointed by President Truman to replace Justice Owen Roberts on the Supreme Court, brought out in questioning that, unlike the Army, the Navy did not discharge men on the basis that they were needed in reconversion, indicating that there were many men with technical skills which were important to the reconversion effort, thus arguing that the Navy take up the practice of the Army.

Secretary of Agriculture Clinton Anderson stated that meat rationing might need continue on a limited basis, one which would restrict consumption, however, only to normal peacetime levels, thus not permitting gorging one's self as a pig, now that the war was over and restraints increasingly lifted. The full extent of the rationing depended on how much meat would need to be sent abroad to feed Europe during the long winter.

Many subsidies also would subside and be lifted within the ensuing few months, with all of them, save on flour, hoped to be gone by June 30, 1946. Those items on which subsidies continued to be paid are listed, including "cheeder" cheese, a type with which we are not familiar. Perhaps the cheese connoisseurs among us may lend their hand at education of what this cheeder is and from whence it comes.

Ah, we've got it. It was misspelled. Cheetah cheese. It's, a, like a feta cheese, only dropping its stripes rather than its spots.

New York City ended its meatless Tuesdays and Fridays, initiated by Mayor La Guardia a year earlier.

It was all a bit fishy from the start.

Thousands of Muscovites filed past the tomb of Vladimir I. Lenin, opened for the first time to viewing since early in the war.

The auto industry now had 80,000 workers idle in Detroit and Windsor, Ont., demanding a 30 percent across-the-board wage increase. A strike at an electrical wiring plant in Warren, Ohio, supplier to G.M., might affect another group of workers. Balloting was being set for 500,000 auto workers across the country to vote on whether to strike. Kelsey-Hayes Wheel Co., supplier to Ford, having caused 40,000 indirect layoffs at Ford, rejected terms of proposed settlement of its strike of 4,000 workers based on the discharge of three, which had begun August 23, not supported by the UAW.

On the editorial page, "Two Doctrines" contrasts two views of peace, that of General Jonathan Wainwright and that of Premier Higashi-Kuni of Japan. The latter wanted America to forget Pearl Harbor, that Japan might also forget the two atomic bombs. He asserted that, under the Emperor, Japan would move, with the guidance of the United States, freed from the yoke of the militarists, toward true democracy, economically and socially.

General Wainwright voiced the view that, while the Japanese could be subservient and pleasant when it suited their purposes, the men on Corregidor and Bataan who had been forced to march at bayonet point, had seen the other side of the Japanese character, and were determined never to allow the Japanese to enjoy a superior position again from which they might vent the same unrestrained side. He believed the Japanese not to be sorry for the torture they had inflicted, and that, until the former leadership which had waged the war was extinguished, there could be no assurance of peace into the future.

The editorial suggests that the reader choose one view or the other.

"Burning It Up" reports that North Carolinians had managed to burn off 250,000 acres of woodlands and destroy a half million dollars worth of timber through cigarette ignited forest fires during the previous year, the group having been responsible for a quarter of the 9,000 forest fires. The Southeast had accounted for 85 percent of all forest fire losses, fourteen million of sixteen million acres. South Carolina had burned off even more acreage than North Carolina, 579,000 acres with a damage in dollars at 1.194 million.

The reason appeared to be that the Southeast had inferior control techniques to the rest of the nation.

"A Caution" suggests a caveat to anxious citizens wanting the removal of price controls and the lifting of restrictions on building materials so that they might build homes again: that with higher materials prices would come higher home prices, perhaps doubling overnight.

Following World War I, a boom had taken place, and, in housing, inferior grades of flooring was sold at $250 per thousand square feet, whereas in 1945 it was at $60, and pre-war, at $30.

OPA had resolved to continue controls on prices by region, based on the availability of materials of one sort or another. The editorial finds it a wise policy to avoid the inflated building values of the early twenties, which had led to the debacle between 1926 and 1930 and beyond. It remarks that there had been 415,000 foreclosures in the country from 1926 to 1929. The scenario might very well repeat should price controls be immediately lifted.

"It Can Be Done" reports that the North Carolina Highway Patrol had been especially vigilant of the roads during Labor Day weekend, with the consequence that the death toll had been less than in 1944, despite there being many more drivers on the roads and highways, the result of the release in August of gas rationing. The patrolmen had cited 614 motorists for speeding during the weekend and warned several thousand others on less serious violations.

The editorial recommends that same sort of vigilance everyday of the year to abate the traffic accident rate. If the force were not large enough to accomplish the goal, then it suggests that steps be taken to enable its enlargement.

—What, daddy-o? Like, and spoil all the fun?

It points out that in 1940, a thousand persons had been killed in North Carolina traffic accidents, and 10,167 from 1926 through 1940.

—Man, you are like squaresville, daddy. When you got the chick and the wheels, you got to roll. Like, you dig?

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Congressman Jerry Voorhis of California, who would the following year lose his seat to Richard Nixon, commenting on the first day after the Congress had reconvened from summer recess, and, consequently, after the Pacific war had ended, in thanks that it had successfully terminated, and that it was the best news to the planet in many years.

Representative John Rankin of Mississippi stated that it was his hope that America would retain exclusively the secret of the atomic bomb, and would maintain strong air forces and Navy to preserve the peace so that another such war would not take place 25 years into the future, that is 1970—the time by which a UCLA sociologist had predicted in early 1943 that war could again erupt against Japan.

Well, in a sense, given the occupation by Japan of Indo-China during the period 1941 to 1945 and the stimulus from it to the rise of Ho Chi Minh in 1941 as a rebel leader in the jungles, self-styled expressly after George Washington's example, and the first vestiges of the Viet Minh, was it not, indirectly, the case?—and, despite following Mr. Rankin's suggested policy to the Crossroads T.

Drew Pearson suggests that the President's memo had been used behind the scenes to defeat in the Senate the proposed unemployment extension bill, to assure supplemental unemployment above the state outlays, up to $25 per week for 26 weeks. The President, following the same course as FDR, had routinely sent memos to Majority Leader Alben Barkley regarding pending legislation. The memos were supposed to be maintained confidentially. Senator Walter George of the Finance Committee got a copy of the memo, at first, did not read it into the record, but after a subcommittee was formed to study the measure, read it aloud. The major criticism of the bill was that it would encourage unemployment in poorer states, such as North Carolina and other Southern states, where the average wage was lower than the proposed unemployment payment.

In the memo, the President had listed priorities in the overall full employment bill, categorizing them. He had stated that the proposed unemployment payment was only "desirable", not "indispensable" or "essential". That appearance of vacillation privately on the necessity of the measure, assured the doom of the provision.

The Republicans saw an opportunity to divide the conservative Southern Democrats from the Northern Democrats in the industrial states where labor held sway, and so exploited the opportunity to vote with their Southern colleagues on the other side of the aisle. The vote was 10 to 8 against the measure, including five Democrats in opposition.

The compromise measure, whereby the period of payments would be extended to 26 weeks, without extending the amount of payments, was under consideration.

Next, Mr. Pearson reports, among his "Capital Chaff", that Senators Richard Russell and Walter George of Georgia had worked to obtain appointment of Governor Ellis Arnall to be Solicitor General, as had Georgia Power & Light. The reason was not their support for his progressive views, but rather to get him out of Georgia. The Senators were concerned that he might run against them otherwise.

Hugh Wilson, former Ambassador to Germany under FDR, was now working for the Republican National Committee, seeking to recruit members of the OSS as Republican sleuths. The organization, "Oh So Secret", had been made up largely of Roosevelt-haters, says Mr. Pearson, and was now seeking more appropriations from the Democratic Congress.

Mr. Pearson had previously distinguished his derogatorily applied "Oh So Secret", as signal of the stateside version of desk-sitters and analysts, from the overseas spies and surgical insurgents who had operated bravely during the war and with considerable impact favorably on the war effort.

A letter writer is appalled at the news that 994 prisoners who were supposed to be under observation at mental institutions in North Carolina were being housed in county jails of 76 of the state's hundred counties, as reported in the column on September 13. She calls for a drive to collect funds to build a special hospital for these inmates.

Another letter writer, a mother of three sons, two of whom were veterans and the other just 17, expresses her support for a peacetime draft, as long as it allowed first the would-be inductee to finish high school.

Marquis Childs discusses the elaborate preparations for the Nuremberg trials of Nazi war criminals, asserting that it had to be a trial which would present a proper case of guilt against the accused or potentially cause disrespect for Allied institutions. Justice Robert Jackson, lead prosecutor for the United States, had worked hard to prepare the case, along with investigators compiling and sifting evidence. Both documentary evidence of the wholesale elimination of the Jews and Gypsies, as well as some film documentation, had been discovered.

Mr. Childs comments that Justice Roberts had declined the appointment by President Truman to the Nuremberg tribunal, based on his feelings regarding the unfair treatment he had received since early 1942 for the first report on Pearl Harbor. Because it had not found President Roosevelt guilty, the isolationists had blamed Justice Roberts, a Republican, for the failure.

President Truman had named in his stead former Attorney General Francis Biddle, with Circuit Court of Appeals Judge John J. Parker designated as the alternate on the tribunal. Mr. Biddle had a reputation for upholding civil liberties, opposing, for instance, the displacement from the West Coast to relocation camps of the Japanese-Americans in 1942, the subject of a recent article in Harper's, titled "Our Worst Wartime Mistake". He had been overruled by the military.

Mr. Childs concludes that should the trial prove successful, it would be a long step for international law and might deter another generation of war-makers in the future.

Samuel Grafton suggests that, in seeming defiance of definition of moving left or right consistently, President Truman was simply stepping where he could—to be free from the crocodiles nipping at his heels. "In crossing a stream, one steps on dry stones, wherever they are, and does not flop down into the water to please those purists who demand that all travel be in an absolutely straight hue."

The President had seemed to be proceeding more conservatively earlier in the summer, then, of late, had taken a turn to the left. The latter move appeared to Mr. Grafton to be a function of the times. But the critics had suggested that he had picked the leftward course as he might a piece to play at the piano, that they were disappointed he had not selected a "right-wing tune, when the book is so full of them."

Mr. Grafton asks rhetorically whether it was leftist to smell smoke in times requiring major adjustment and change, economically and socially.

The same critics of the President had voiced the opinion that the British ought be chastised for turning left by denying them post-war aid. They had no conception that the British were insecure anent their post-war economic well-being and had voted therefore for decisive economic change.

"But it is ever a conservative belief that if we can only fasten down the weathervanes, we can thereby tie up the winds."

The problem, suggests Mr. Grafton, was not with the President's direction, but rather with the critics who professed omniscience as to how the world was going, knowing the movement of everything except the world.

Framed Edition
[Return to Links
Page by Subject] [Return to Links-Page by Date] [Return to News<i><i><i>--</i></i></i>Framed Edition]
Links-Date -- Links-Subj.