Wednesday, August 29, 1945

The Charlotte News

Wednesday, August 29, 1945

FIVE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page and inside page report that flagships of Admiral Halsey's Third Fleet had begun entering Tokyo Bay and anchored near Yokohama. Both Admiral Halsey and Admiral Nimitz were now present with the advance ships. The Marine Transport Board Building at Yokohama would serve as the headquarters for the occupation forces.

Admiral Nimitz told reporters that the sudden end to the Pacific war had caught the Allies unprepared.

The landings of troops by ship and air would begin this afternoon, Thursday morning at 6:15, Japanese time. Landings would continue through the morning hours.

When the occupation forces would begin to land, the Japanese would release over 6,200 prisoners of war in Japan, including 94 civilians.

Correspondent Al Dopking relates of his visit to Yokosuka Naval Base aboard the first American boat to enter Tokyo Bay since long before the start of the Pacific war. The Japanese sentries and soldiers remained stone-faced at their posts. The only sign of friendliness came from four Japanese, apparently civilians, who waved from a small boat. The roads along the shoreline were largely deserted of vehicles. Most of the remnants of the Japanese Navy was anchored at Yokosuka. As the boat passed by the wreckage of the Japanese ships, a Navy man commented that it appeared just as Pearl Harbor had on December 7, 1941.

Yokohama's residential section appeared from the shoreline to be relatively undamaged.

The Pearl Harbor Board report was released, based on its investigation between July and October, 1944, undertaken pursuant to the authority of the House Military Affairs Committee and the Secretary of War. The Army report criticized General George C. Marshall for not more closely apprising Maj. General Walter Short, in charge of the Army forces in the Hawaiian Department on December 7, 1941, of knowledge which he had regarding the likelihood of attack by the Japanese and the likelihood of termination of diplomatic relations. The Army report found considerable fault with the preparations undertaken by General Short and his failure to consult with Rear Admiral Husband Kimmel, head of Navy operations in the Hawaiian Department at the time. The report recommended no further commands for General Short, a moot point as he had retired from the Army.

Secretary of War Henry Stimson criticized the report for its criticism of General Marshall and asserted that the chief of staff had done everything possible to assure that adequate steps were undertaken for preparation for attack by all commanders in the Pacific. Mr. Stimson found no cause for court martial of General Short. He also rebuffed the report's criticism of Secretary of State Cordell Hull for allegedly not continuing negotiations with the Japanese, a supposed available option which the Army opined would have provided more time for preparation before the attack.

Otherwise, the Army report is largely consistent with the prior investigation of January, 1942 by the Owen Roberts Commission both in its findings of fact and its conclusions on culpability.

Likewise, the Navy Report largely dovetails with the Roberts Commission insofar as it assesses blame for lack of all available preparations against Admiral Kimmel and Admiral Harold Stark, chief of naval operations at the time.

Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal directed that neither Admiral Stark nor Admiral Kimmel, both retired, should hold a position in the Navy requiring "the exercise of superior judgment", stating that the faults of both were of omission, not commission. He saw no reason for court martial.

The President expressed the position that he saw no reason for court martial proceedings.

In the end, there would be no courts martial.

The report on the pages presents considerable detail, but as it is clearly readable and because we have covered it at great length previously, coincident with the News dates of November-December, 1941, and especially, as to the Pearl Harbor Board inquiry, on December 12, 15, and 18, we will leave it for you to peruse on your own.

General Jonathan Wainwright, recently released from a Japanese prison camp, was to be awarded the Distinguished Service Cross for his heroism during the fall of Corregidor in April and May, 1942. He was to attend the signing of the formal surrender documents on Sunday aboard the U.S.S. Missouri. He expressed the hope that General Homma, to whom General Wainwright and his men were forced to surrender, would be on hand for the ceremonies on Sunday.

The Western Allies named 24 major war criminals to be tried before the war crimes tribunal, slated to start in October in Nuremberg. Among them were Rudolf Hess, Wilhelm Keitel, Admiral Karl Doenitz, Martin Bormann, former Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, Robert Ley, Alfred Rosenberg, Hans Frank, Julius Streicher, Walter Funk, financial director Hjalmar Schact, architect Albert Speer, Franz von Papen, Admiral Erich Raeder, industrialist Gustav Krupp, and Hermann Goering. The defendants would be provided reasonable time to study the charges and prepare a defense.

On the editorial page, "S h h h h h h!" reprints an Associated Press story which had failed to make the paper the day before, stating that it was for reasons of military security that the Army, when asked, could not disclose how much butter the Army had.

Whether it had anything to do with E. Creach & Sons Fuel Oil Service of New York City or the "Side Glances" of the day, we don't know. Nor are we permitted to speculate.

"No Speeding?" comments on the omission of Governor Gregg Cherry thus far to raise the speed limit from 35 mph. The Department of Motor Vehicles had wanted it capped at 45 rather than the old 60, until better cars and tires were available and on the roads.

There had been a report the previous week that 50 people had been killed in automobile accidents during the first week after the end of gas rationing. That statistic, it predicts, was harbinger of things to come. The South and the large cities elsewhere had the highest death rates in auto accidents.

So, the piece was content for the Governor to wait several months to change the speed limit.

"The Equalizer" suggests that a No. 2 golfing iron could be properly labeled a deadly weapon. A woman golfing champion, Estelle Lawson Page of Chapel Hill, slept with one beside her bed. She used it as a possum-killer. She had used it recently for the purpose against an invading possum in her father's chicken house.

The piece wanted to know whether Ms. Page felt more safe with the iron parked beside her bed.

Conscience, what a thing.

"He Ain't Sorry" reluctantly looks back to some royal gems uttered by Hirohito as contained in the December 8, 1941 Japanese declaration of war on Britain and the United States. It carps that in some of the royal rescripts he had issued, he had scarcely altered his line since surrender.

"We Must Hurry" comments on the opening of the Senate Finance Committee hearings on the President's proposal to increase unemployment compensation to $25 weekly for 26 weeks, insisting that whatever Congress was going to do in this regard, it needed to accomplish it in a hurry.

Labor had condemned Congress for not acting on the issue before the summer recess which had begun before the end of the war. Many of the laid off war workers were demanding of their companies shares in the war profits which the companies had enjoyed.

Whatever policy was to be followed, it would cost billions of dollars.

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Senator Lister Hill of Alabama and Senator Kenneth Wherry of Nebraska, having called the roll of the Senators present on June 14, determining each one necessarily absent, the final number present having been 69 of the 96, establishing a quorum.

It was a normal day.

In the continuing absence of Drew Pearson, Herbert Bayard Swope, an observer of British politics, offers a piece on the new Labor Government in Britain. He offers that the trend toward socialization would be limited during the first few years of the Labor majority, confining the process to utilities, transportation, communications, mining, steel, and the Bank of England. While it was likely that there would be closer association between Russia and Britain, there would be no trend toward Communism. Only two Communists had been elected in the general election out of 27 who had run.

Other than a sympathy for democratic movements seeking to overthrow monarchies and a movement toward self-government in India, there would be no great change in foreign policy. International trade would likely expand and Labor would seek wider employment and higher wages.

He predicted Labor would have a long run in power, possibly pushing aside Clement Attlee at some point and replacing him with either Ernest Bevin, the Foreign Secretary, or Herbert Morrison, the Deputy Prime Minister.

It was axiomatic that being in power would necessarily cause Labor to become more conservative, while the Tories would become more liberal, not unlike the trend in America. War weariness would possibly lead in America to a defeat of the Democrats as the party which had been in power at the outbreak of the war. He suggested that it would be unlikely that America would elect a war leader to the presidency given the bad experience with U. S. Grant between 1869 and 1877. America and Britain were often divergent in the types of government which were elected at any given time and so there was no necessary correlation between the Labor Government victory and what would take place next in America.

The British election would likely embolden unions to make more demands which could cause resentment among returning soldiers who already felt that the unions had complicated the war effort with demands and strikes.

The overriding explanation for the Labor victory was war-weariness, he suggests, the desire to make a fresh start and put the war behind.

Marquis Childs discusses the difficult task ahead for occupation of Japan. Never before had an army of 2.5 million men, dedicated to fighting and having it inculcated from birth that they were invincible, been disarmed on their own turf by an occupying force. The Army and Navy planners were preparing for the probability of further hostilities with the Japanese. The possibility lay ahead that armed bands of resistance would arise in outlying portions of Japan, even after Tokyo would be occupied.

Thus, it would be necessary to maintain an Army sufficiently large to accomplish the enormous task, in addition to the necessity of continuing the presence of a garrison force in the Philippines and at other locations.

Because of these difficulties, Washington was resisting the pull to become involved in the conflict in China between the forces of Chiang and Chinese Communists in the North.

Lowering of discharge points would also begin to break up divisions and lower morale among veterans who had fought together for two years or more. Congress therefore needed to show restraint in getting the men back home.

Mr. Childs opines that the Japanese ruling clique would not give up their goal of world conquest and would look for any opening to try it again. And if they were to see America giving up the fight by wholesale discharge of the armed forces, then they would be encouraged the more to the effort, possibly rendering the many American sacrifices in vain.

The editors compile a synopsis of the situation in China, indicating that the Chungking Government of Chiang was in a much better position after obtaining from the Soviets an agreement whereby the Soviets would not lend support to the Chinese Communists. The Chinese Communists wanted more economic reform, especially as to distribution of land, than Chungking. They were more strongly opposed to foreign interests, especially American, and capital coming into the country.

The Chinese and Russian Communists did not get along, as they had 20 or 25 years earlier. Early in its existence, from 1923 to 1927, the Chinese Communists cooperated with the Canton Government which was anti-foreign and favored radical economic changes.

In 1925, Dr. Sun Yat-Sen, father of the Republic which had overthrown the monarchy in 1911, died and Chiang Kai-Shek became head of the Canton Government. Because Chiang favored foreign interests and infusion of foreign capital and wished to undertake economic change slowly, the Communists clashed with Chiang in 1927 and armed conflict arose as diplomatic relations between Canton and the Soviets ended.

While the Chinese Communists had severely criticized the Chiang Government for not doing more to resist the Japanese occupation of Manchuria in 1931, the two forces unified initially at the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937. But tensions steadily rose as the Communists charged that Chiang was attempting to purge all opposition, eventually leading to the eruption of hostilities in 1941. Since May, 1944, there had been efforts to effect rapprochement between the two forces.

It would be ironic, suggests the piece, should the Russian Communists' agreement with Chiang not to support the Chinese Communists lead finally to unity in the country.

A snippet from The New Yorker presents from the War Department publication War Times one terse sentence to counsel the Government to resist bloviation and jargon in its published materials.

Another piece tells of the several Japanese names given to cities in conquered territory, such as at Singapore and Seoul, or Otori, which would revert indubitably to their original names.

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