Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that an advance occupation party of airborne troops would land at Atsugi airbase near Tokyo on Sunday to prepare the way for the main forces to arrive Tuesday, August 28, despite a typhoon which had disrupted communications in the area of Tokyo on Wednesday.

Japan's home army began disarming at the command of the Emperor, prior to the signing of articles of surrender.

Tokyo radio announced that radioactivity in Hiroshima continued to take lives 18 days after the bomb had fallen. The radioactivity depleted red and white corpuscles and had impacted the workers who were clearing the wreckage. The death toll in the first fortnight after the bomb had risen from the initial estimate of 30,000 to 60,000, with another 160,000 injured. The numbers continued to rise.

Those who were within two miles of ground zero received only reddening of the skin from the ultra-violet rays and had barely felt the burn. But they were now suffering from radiation poisoning.

Tokyo radio also announced that, according to Imperial Headquarters, Kyushu would be occupied by the Russians by September 1. The report implied that the Russians were acting without the authority of General MacArthur and suggested that Japanese forces might seek to resist the occupation.

Russian troops continued their drive in Korea, following the complete occupation of Manchuria, as announced the previous day. Allied prisoners had been liberated by the Red Army from a camp at Mukden. Airborne troops occupied the ports of Shinsho and nearby Kanko. The railroad town of Kisshu—that's what you think, you Commie—to the north also had been taken.

The Chinese Communists and Chinese High Command made conflicting claims as to the capture of Kweisui, capital of the Inner Mongolian province of Suiyan, 260 miles west of Peiping. The Communists contended they had occupied the city on August 18 and were pressing puppet Mongolian troops under Japanese command to surrender. The Chinese High Command contended that the town was captured on August 20, though silent as to whether it had been taken from the Japanese or the Chinese Communists. Reports earlier had disclosed ongoing clashes in the area between the Communists and regular Chinese troops of Chiang.

The Communists also claimed to have cut the Peiping-Tientsin railway in Hopen Province, occupying the railway station at Yangtsun.

Tokyo claimed that 50,000 Yenan troops were moving on Tsinan in Shantung Province, while the Chiang-appointed Governor of Shantung was attempting with 5,000 troops to occupy Tsinan. The Communists claimed to have broken into the port of Chefoo in Shantung.

Outer Mongolian troops, under Soviet direction, were reported by Tokyo to be continuing activities in the vicinity of Changpeh in Charhar Province and had reached Kupehkow at the Great Wall.

Mao Tse Tung had accepted Chiang Kai-Shek's invitation to send a representative of the Red Chinese to Chungking to consult with Chiang to try to effect peaceful relations between the Northern forces in China and the Central Government forces of Chiang. The designated representative would be General Chou En-Lai, a familiar name to anyone conversant with either the events of the ensuing four years of Chinese history or with those of the Nixon Administration and his diplomatic opening to Red China.

Japanese troops on Truk waved to American fliers as they flew over the positions as low as 50 feet to inspect conditions at the once powerful Japanese Naval fortress and supply station for the Southwest Pacific forces in 1942-43.

Prime Minister Clement Attlee had told Commons that the sudden end to Lend-Lease had placed Britain in a serious financial condition. Mr. Attlee stated that Britain was spending by V-J Day the equivalent of an annual expenditure of eight billion dollars overseas, including food and supplies for the troops.

Former Prime Minister Churchill, as Leader of the Opposition, echoed the sentiment and expressed disbelief that America would leave the British, who had "held the fort", thus in the lurch.

Foreign Economic Administrator Leo Crowley responded that British officials had to have realized that, with the end of the war with Japan, Lend-Lease had to come to an end. He stated that President Roosevelt and President Truman had repeatedly asserted this determination to the British and that breaking that pact with the American people could have undermined the prospect of authority to provide aid to foreign countries into the future. He asserted that other countries had accepted the end of Lend-Lease.

Britain had been provided the opportunity, he further explained, to take shipments of Lend-Lease already in the transport pipeline or in the process of being manufactured, on condition that payment would be made within 30 years at 2⅜% interest.

Three Congressmen visiting London, including Karl Mundt of South Dakota, all members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, informed the British press, when asked about the sudden nature of the cut-off of aid, that "the cupboard is getting mighty bare" in the United States and that "the war is over". Representative Frances Bolton of Ohio stated that she had not been able to buy butter for five months and that sugar was hard to obtain, meat scarce, and fowl almost impossible to get. The British wanted to know where it all had gone. Mrs. Bolton stated that she wished she knew.

Mr. Mundt suggested that international relations should be accomplished more on a parliamentary basis than on the executive level, which had only "harvested ... a long succession of wars."

Australia's Minister of External Affairs, Herbert Evatt, complained that Britain, with the war over, was now ignoring Australia's right to have a greater voice within the British Commonwealth, had not consulted Australia re the Potsdam Declaration, and had denied, along with the State Department, an Australian general a seat at the Japanese surrender ceremony. A U.K. representative contended that Britain did not wish to deny Australia a seat. Australia had taken the matter up with General MacArthur who agreed with Australia's request.

President Truman announced that Secretary of Interior Harold Ickes, who had served twelve and a half years, would be able to serve in the post as long as he desired. Mr. Ickes would resign, however, the following February, to be succeeded by Julius Krug.

The Government surprisingly seized the Illinois Central Railroad as in wartime, to prevent a strike. The railroad controlled over 6,600 miles of track in fourteen states. The seizure came just as it was reported that the President was making ready the return of other seized war plants during the latter months of the war.

Secretary of Agriculture Clinton Anderson announced that evaporated milk would become available without ration points and that cheese and butter supplies would be increased.

The Army reported that airplane seating would soon become available without priority.

The President stated that clocks would revert to Standard Time in early September, releasing the time determination back to the individual states as it had been before Pearl Harbor.

The President also ordered that all Federal workers would return to a 40-hour week as of September 9, eliminating Saturday hours as during the war.

The War Production Board removed all quotas on production of passenger cars, except that new cars could not be equipped with a spare tire.

Do not have a flat.

The OPA would oversee the fifth tire limitation and determine when it could be lifted. OPA said that the ban could be deflated, before very many cars were produced.

In all likelihood, the spare tire would be inflated commensurate with the increased availability of meat, butter, and sugar, abounding as it would soon be on the average American's table again, not to mention plenty of rye whiskey in the bare cupboard bin.

The availability of cars depended entirely now on the ability of the manufacturers to produce them. Limiting production would be the continuing short supply of tin.

Restrictions on taxis, ambulances and hearses were also released, the latter two categories for obvious reasons, given the jettison of surcease on automobiles, soon to evolve from the speedway the naturally inclined adaptation of fins.

On the editorial page, "Judge Sink's Ire" comments on the statements by Superior Court Judge Hoyle Sink that it was a huge mistake for the country to retain Emperor Hirohito on the throne in Japan. It left intact the totalitarian system which had been the source of the war. The fact that the Emperor was regarded in Japan as a living deity would continue as a threat to peace.

Thus, Judge Sink's suspicions, it concludes, were well founded.

"Now At Last" comments on the announcement by Senator James Mead of New York that the cases of alleged negligence by Admiral Husband Kimmel and General Walter Short, respectively the commanders of the Navy and Army forces at Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, would soon be reviewed. It suggests that the American people would be relieved at that news.

"China's Ills" discusses what would become a thorn in the side of Americans from 1964 through 1973, Indo-China, about which General De Gaulle was likely discussing with President Truman on a visit to Washington during the week.

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Senator Robert Taft of Ohio discussing with Senator George Radcliffe of Maryland the International Monetary Fund and its provision for loans for up to nine years without countries having to repay for that time. Senator Taft wanted to know whether Senator Radcliffe agreed with that analysis, that loans might be outstanding from the fund for that length of time.

Governor Ellis Arnall of Georgia, substituting for Drew Pearson, discusses the impact of reconversion on the states, as he saw a determinative period ahead on whether political decentralization, states rights, would be retained or abandoned. State agencies had to be effective during the period to relieve the enormous burden on Federal agencies.

The infrastructure of the states, hospitals, public buildings, highways, and the like, were in poor condition because of neglect during the war. The states had to fill the gap and lead in the rebuilding effort on these facilities, lest the Federal Government would undertake to do so.

He cites his own leadership in the fight against freight rate discrimination between the North and the Southern and Western states. He personally took the Interstate Commerce Commission to court on behalf of the State of Georgia regarding the disparate rates and the Supreme Court had ruled to accept jurisdiction of the matter. He had been told that he would make Georgia the laughing stock of the country by such a maneuver.

State government could be used in such manner, stocked with enormous powers. But indolence had been the curse of state governments through time. The states could discourage monopolies, encourage decentralization of industry, and protect the natural resources. Every section of the country needed to strike a balance between production of raw materials and the manufacture of goods from them to maintain a balanced economy.

Monopolies and cartels had no place in a democracy. It was these conglomerates which had caused the war. The danger of their re-surfacing during reconversion, to assure full employment, was a real prospect which had to be resisted. Under those conditions, full employment would become as illusory as it had been in Germany under the Nazis, with everyone employed in war industries.

The states could do much to effectuate this goal of economic decentralization by insuring that the war industries created in the South and West were maintained in operation for peaceful purposes.

Marquis Childs reports that Secretary of State James Byrnes and Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin of Britain had spoken against the Soviet-backed false-front democracy in Bulgaria, which had reportedly used strong-arm tactics against anyone not submissive to the regime. The leader of the moderate Peasant Party, G. M. Dimitrov, had sought asylum in the American Legation out of fear for his life and was still being housed there.

Signs of dissidence had begun to appear, such as the voting by the Western bloc and other nations in the 44-nation United Nations Rehabilitation and Relief Administration conference in London, who had recently voted against Russia, Yugoslavia, and Poland, on the issue of providing aid to refugees who refused to return to their home countries.

Mr. Childs concludes: "There are moral issues at the base of our way of life. We ignore them at our peril."

A perennial letter writer, who is normally thoughtful, opines that the voices in the country who advocated destroying the knowledge of the atomic bomb were talking through their hats, that the bomb had brought the peace and should be developed further as a hedge against war, with nuclear energy harnessed for peaceful purposes.

Dorothy Thompson's column of the day before took the more sensible approach, even if that, too, was likely impracticable by this point. Putting Pandora back in the box after such a demonstration, with totalitarians extant across the world and quite eager to obtain the secret for themselves, would have been nigh impossible to have accomplished without multilateral sharing of the secret and multilateral agreement then to do away with it. That took another 50 years of trial and error to begin to accomplish, still not fully done.

Harry Golden discusses the last of his eight selected famous trials, this one of Harry K. Thaw in New York, murderer in 1906 of Stanford White, America's leading architect at the time, designer of the Washington Square Arch and Madison Square Garden. Mr. Thaw's mother was one of the richest women in the world and spent more than a million dollars for his defense. She testified at the trial that he was mentally unbalanced.

The case had established the role of psychiatry in the defense of crime, considered by the general public prior to this trial to be a profession of charlatans for the rich.

Reporters flocked to the trial from as far away as England and France.

Mr. Thaw had fallen in love with a showgirl, Evelyn Nesbit, 18 years old when she married him. When she had been but fourteen, she and her mother were befriended by Mr. White who paid for Evelyn's singing and dancing lessons. In return, Evelyn modeled for Mr. White for portraits and sculpture, and provided other favors.

Mr. Thaw claimed that, while aware of the friendship between Evelyn and Mr. White, he was not aware that the friendship had run much deeper. He began to hear gossip after the marriage and he magnified the rumors in his mind until it became an obsession to eliminate the threat of Mr. White to his marriage. Eventually, after pressing Evelyn for details, she admitted having been seduced by Mr. White years earlier.

On June 25, 1906, Harry Thaw shot and killed Stanford White during an intermission at Madison Square Garden.

Many eminent doctors testified, after examining Mr. Thaw, that he was abnormal mentally and had been so all of his life. Over a hundred witnesses testified, but the most impressive of the lot had been Harry Thaw's mother.

The jury hung, unable to provide a unanimous verdict of guilty, winding up seven to five for guilt.

After being re-charged, Mr. Thaw received a plea bargain whereby he was allowed to be committed to the New York State Hospital for the Criminally Insane at Matteawan. In 1913, he "escaped" and fled to Canada. Eventually, he was returned to the United States and, through habeas corpus proceedings, obtained a new trial based on newly discovered evidence. Public opinion having turned in his favor regarding his concern for his marriage, he was found not guilty.

Subsequently, he was convicted for an assault and found again to be insane. He was placed in an asylum in Philadelphia for some time before being released in 1924.

Mr. Thaw died in 1947.