Thursday, August 23, 1945

The Charlotte News

Thursday, August 23, 1945

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the formal surrender of the Japanese would take place on the U.S.S. Missouri, scheduled for August 31, to be delayed two additional days.

The Japanese Home Ministry's Police Bureau issued rules for behavior at the start of the occupation.

Arrangements were being made through the British for surrender of the Japanese in Hong Kong. It appeared that British policy with respect to Hong Kong would not change, that Britain intended to occupy it as its possession, as before December, 1941. The French likewise intended to resume their possession of Indo-China.

The Russians announced that they had occupied all of Manchuria and Sakhalin Island. Chiang Kai-Shek, however, had arranged for surrender of the Japanese to the Chinese forces.

The Japanese continued to complain, however, to General MacArthur that there were difficulties in quitting the war in China, the result of "irregular forces and bandits", as well as mobs. The communique asked for special protection of surrendering Japanese forces. General MacArthur made no comment.

Chiang denied that any of his forces were firing on the Japanese, stating that any such activity was coming from the Red Chinese troops.

The Chinese Communists were reported attempting to effect surrender of Japanese troops even though only the Chiang Government forces were so authorized by the Allies. General Chu Teh demanded surrender to the Red Chinese all Japanese forces not surrounded by the Kuomintang forces.

From Tientsin, Tsingtao, and Nanking, there were reports of street fighting by the Chinese Communists, plus additional reports that they were gathering their forces in the North.

Chiang had invited Mao Tse Tung, leader of the Red Chinese, to confer with him in Chungking to effect rapprochment, but Mao had refused.

Increasingly, it appeared that civil war was going to erupt in China.

Congress was considering abandoning War Time, the equivalent of Daylight Savings Time, on which the country had consistently been operating since February, 1942.

The FBI had foiled a $100,000 per year railroad dining car racket in New York by the arrest in four cities of 118 railroad employees, all being stewards, waiters, or cooks, on the New York Central and Erie Railroads. The employees had manipulated food and liquor checks, failing to submit a written check or using old checks, pocketing the money, and had kited government meal tickets used by the military, marking them for the highest price menu items to cover the difference in other checks, as well as stretching meal portions.

The War Production Board stated that within two months, controls on clothing and textiles which had gone to the military would probably be relaxed.

Du Pont promised that women would soon be able to purchase nylon hosiery again, albeit limited initially to eleven pairs per year.

Be careful on how they run.

On the editorial page, "A Mutiny" finds draft boards protesting the continued drafting of men before Congress could re-adjourn and establish a new policy. In North Carolina, the Person County draft board had resigned in protest and dismissed some of the men scheduled for induction. Veterans also were putting pressure on the Government to clarify their status, as to whether they would be shipped to the Pacific to act as occupation forces. The 95th Division had wired a petition to the White House protesting their redeployment.

Most of the civilian population also appeared to support an end to the draft and an end to redeployment of combat veterans. The public did not appear very concerned about occupation.

Nevertheless, volunteers could not fill the tremendous needs for the occupation forces. But the military would need to be mindful of the public mood, one neither unpatriotic nor born of ignorance.

"Not Automatic" finds the State Director of Planning urging that, while reconversion in North Carolina would not be automatic, there were fewer war plants in the state than in most others, and therefore reconversion would come more easily than in most of the rest of the country. There would likely be no severe labor problem resulting from closure of the 87 war plants. North Carolina had obtained less than a sixth of its proper share of war production, which now worked to its benefit.

"Mrs. Pyle Speaks" reports that Ernie Pyle's widow was determinedly rejecting, even angrily, the suggestion that a costly memorial be erected to her late admired war correspondent husband who had related the individual stories of so many G.I.'s in Europe, only to die from a sniper's bullet shortly after arriving in the Pacific, on Ie Shima, April 18. His widow had given her blessing to a scholarship in Mr. Pyle's name at the University of Indiana school of journalism and for a memorial library at Dana, Indiana. But, she said, anything else would be extravagance which her husband would not wish. He would have wanted to remain interred with the men alongside of whom he had fallen.

"Brass Work" presents a table on the points necessary for discharge from the Navy and how they could be achieved. There was a premium placed on higher age, but younger men, even those who had enlisted right after Pearl Harbor, would find themselves still likely short of points for discharge. The Navy policy appeared still determined to maintain sufficient manpower to run the ships and the shore batteries, aiming "to keep the brass polished".

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Senator Robert Taft of Ohio commenting on the requirement under existing law that gold only be used to form the country's contribution to the International Monetary Fund, three times the amount of gold which had to be contributed.

Senator Abe Murdock of Utah differs on Senator Taft's interpretation of the requirement, clarifies that only the necessary amount of gold could be contributed and the remainder of the gold would be retained in the Treasury to back up the difference contributed in currency.

Senator Taft insists that his interpretation was correct.

Senator Murdock responds that the law allowed the Secretary of the Treasury to determine what monetary form would be used to contribute to the fund, gold or currency or some other form of lawful money.

Then follows a colloquy on who properly had the floor.

Substituting this date for Drew Pearson was Herbert Brownell, chairman of the Republican National Committee, having been the campaign manager for Thomas Dewey in the 1944 presidential campaign. Mr. Brownell would become Attorney General under President Eisenhower in 1953 and serve through 1957, notably advising President Eisenhower to send in National Guard troops to quell disturbances in Little Rock in September, 1957 when the public schools were being integrated for the first time.

In this piece, he reports that the inside story was that the Republicans would win control of Congress in 1946, and he predicted, correctly as to both the Senate and House, that it would be the case. He predicated his prediction on the facts that 23 of the 48 existing governors were Republicans and that those 23 states represented 67 percent of the revenue sources for the Federal Government. Presently, there were 40 Republican Senators of the 96, soon to be, he predicted, 41, following the resignation of Senator "Happy" Chandler of Kentucky so that he could devote his duties full time to his new position as Commissioner of Major League Baseball. Moreover, the Republicans had won in the first test of the Truman Administration, a special House election in Montana in June.

He asserted that the reasons for this Republican turn by the country were first the leadership shown by the party in foreign affairs and in the formation and ratification of the U.N. Charter. The party, he says, had also demonstrated leadership on domestic issues, with Republican-led states in the forefront in supplying jobs and state benefits for returning veterans, with Republicans in Congress favoring fiscal responsibility and cutting deficit financing.

He predicted that New Deal financing would continue without change because it was based on the Solid South and the big city machines of the North and Midwest, plus the "radical fringe" led by Earl Browder and William Z. Foster, and other "fellow travelers" in the American Labor Party of New York and the Wallgren Administration in the State of Washington, Governor Wallgren being a close friend of President Truman. The three groups, he says, had nothing in common except the desire for political power, and once the Federal funds spent for political purposes would be removed, the coalition would dissolve immediately. That, he further predicts, would take place as soon as there would be a Republican Congress at the start of 1947.

The Republicans would pick up ten seats, to have 51 in 1947 in the 80th Congress, but would lose nine seats to the Democrats in the 1948 election. They would pick up 57 seats in the House to have 248 to the Democrats' 192, but would lose 77 seats in the 1948 election, losing the majority in the House again also.

Thus, the good fortune ultimately proved a situation of being careful of that for which one wished, as it gave President Truman a primary issue on which he ran in 1948 against the "Do Nothing Republican Congress", adroitly reflecting onto the Congress blame for any perceived shortcomings of the Government during the latter two years of his first term. The President, of course, won re-election against Thomas Dewey, except in Chicago.

Marquis Childs comments that Congress had undertaken most of the recommendations for reconversion made by Bernard Baruch for business but nearly none for labor in the period preceding the peace. With the sudden end to the war in the Pacific, the wheels of industry had quickly slowed noticeably and millions were being discharged from the lucrative war jobs to which they had become accustomed during the previous three years.

The danger lurked that temporary unemployment could become permanent should wartime wages be cut too quickly and should those with savings begin to hoard their money. There was also a great danger of inflation, as after World War I, as people would begin spending to make previously deferred repairs and purchases.

One of the barometers of inflation, the price of farm land, showed an increase of one percent per month during the previous four years, steeper in some states, such as Kentucky and North Carolina, where tobacco was the staple, as well as in the Pacific Northwest. Such an inflationary trend in farm prices had contributed substantially to the collapse of the stock market in October, 1929. Furthermore, the high prices would make it difficult for returning veterans to buy farm land.

By the same token, the amount of farm indebtedness on mortgages had decreased.

But farm prices and production would likely trend downward with the war over.

Some economists predicted that there would be both inflation and deflation at the same time, in different parts of the marketplace.

Mr. Childs urges Congress to take action when it returned on September 5 from its recess, to cushion the inevitable fall.

Dorothy Thompson comments on statements by General Hap Arnold that the Government had spent more on radar than on the production of the atomic bomb, that within three years other nations would obtain the atomic technology, and that atomic bombs, a new superfortress, and rocketry were already either available or on the immediate horizon. He had further stated that defense weapons to the missiles would be inevitable.

General Arnold had concluded from these assertions that the world would be safe for Americans. He stated that the country would need to keep pace with arms development, to strike down any aggressor before it would become dangerous, and that the new weaponry was so terrible that there might be no further wars.

Ms. Thompson states: "If we admit the possibility of a future war, waged with these new weapons, even the certainty that we were sufficiently ahead of the game to assure that we would win it would be no comfort. Who wants to be victor in hell?"

She further asserts that living under the threat of use of these weapons would be to end freedom and democracy abroad, as well as in the United States. Only the few who controlled the weapons would have power.

She therefore concludes that "such weapons must not exist". She favors universal abolition of them by the United States, as the nation could not expect to have them indefinitely. Nor should they be provided to the United Nations for use against aggressors.

General Arnold had warned that "a country's major cities might be destroyed overnight by an ostensibly friendly power."

Harry Golden, in the seventh of his eight pieces on selected famous trials, examines the Leopold and Loeb 1924 thrill-killing of 14-year old Bobby Franks in Chicago. A pair of eyeglasses left near the body had been traced to Nathan Leopold and spoiled what would have been otherwise the perfect crime.

Both young men were in law school at the University of Chicago, both performed at high levels scholastically, and both were from wealthy homes. Leopold's father had helped to rebuild Chicago after the fire; Loeb's father had helped build the business of Sears-Roebuck. The father of Bobby Franks was a philanthropist and all-round good citizen.

Richard Loeb was 18 at the time of the crimes and Nathan Leopold was 19, Leopold having graduated from the University of Chicago and Loeb from the University of Michigan, the youngest graduate ever from the school. On May 21, 1924, they hired a car, took along a chisel, and looked for a handy random victim, one who would be easy to pick up. They enticed Bobby Franks into the car, then Loeb struck him in the head with the chisel, drove around awhile, had dinner, drove to the country and there left the body in a culvert, pouring hydrochloric acid over the corpse to make it more difficult to identify.

The body was discovered the following morning. After the discovery of the eyeglasses and the establishment of their linkage to Leopold, the police focused their investigation on both. After the discovery of a typewriter belonging to Leopold which had been used to draft a bogus ransom note to the parents of Bobby Franks, both confessed to the crime.

Clarence Darrow was rumored to have accepted a million dollar fee to defend the two, causing public outrage, as Mr. Darrow had become popular in the public mind by defending the poor and oppressed. To curb this bad publicity, he asked the Chicago Bar Association to determine his proper fee at the end of the case, eventually set at a healthy $100,000.

The trial began on July 21, almost exactly a year before the Scopes trial in Tennessee in which Mr. Darrow would appear as lead defense counsel. He surprised everyone by entering guilty pleas for both Leopold and Loeb, and proceeded then to argue that both had committed the crime because of societal influences which reduced their culpability, that they were insane and thus should be spared the death penalty.

Darrow adduced expert testimony from psychiatrists to show that both young men were insane. Leopold had reportedly described the crime as an "experiment" and Loeb, after seeing his picture in the newspapers, believed that he would be a celebrated figure.

Mr. Darrow's summation to the court lasted three full days. Two former Governors, in addition to the journalists and attorneys interested in the case, were in attendance.

The judge took two weeks to assess the evidence and on September 10 issued the sentences: life imprisonment for both defendants, plus 99 years for the kidnapping.

Leopold and Loeb then went to Joliet prison, where, in 1936, Loeb was killed by an inmate.

Leopold was still in custody in 1945. He would eventually be released on parole in 1958 after 34 years in prison and would die a free man in 1971 at age 66.

Two very good films were made about the infamous crime, "Compulsion" in 1959, and, albeit a fictionalized treatment, "Rope", directed by Alfred Hitchcock, in 1948.


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