Tuesday, July 3, 1945

The Charlotte News

Tuesday, July 3, 1945

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Australian 7th Infantry had advanced inland about two miles through intense heat emanating from oil fires in Balikpapan to capture the Sepinggang and Manggar airfields nearby the oil port, as well as high ridges overlooking the port, insuring the quick success of the campaign. Japanese reports stated that 7,000 Australian troops had landed by the previous night. General MacArthur reported casualties to be light.

Fifty B-29's struck Maruzen oil refinery, 35 miles from Osaka, following up on the giant 600-plane raid of the previous day. No losses were reported in the raid. The previous day's raid had destroyed two square miles of Japanese industrial territory in the four towns hit.

Tokyo radio reported elaborate Japanese defenses were in preparation for Allied landings, from Canton in China to Singapore.

A surgeon, formerly of Winston-Salem, was killed in a kamikaze raid on a carrier in the Pacific, part of Admiral Marc Mitscher's Fast Carrier Force.

The 45th Infantry Division had received orders to return home from Europe, adding to the growing list of redeployed divisions from Europe as set forth on the page. Most of these divisions were bound for redeployment in the Pacific.

Another story surfaced of forgiveness of debt of Elliott Roosevelt, this one for a loan of $50,000 in 1939, secured by stock in his radio company which went bust and rendered the stock worthless, then paid off in 1941 for $20,200. The loan originated from Maxwell Bilofsky, a manufacturer of radio tubes and electrical devices.

With 16,700 CIO workers on strike at Goodyear in Akron, the War Labor Board referred the case to William Davis, Economic Stabilizer, for initiaiting steps for the Government to seize the company. At Firestone, another 17,000 workers were on strike. Union leaders bragged that not a single tire was being produced in Akron. The head of the Goodyear union vowed to stay off the job, despite the Government order. The 33,700 workers comprised the bulk of the 51,000 workers on strike nationwide.

James Byrnes was sworn in as Secretary of State, having been unanimously confirmed by the Senate the previous day without hearings, after his appointment on Saturday. A photograph appears of the new Secretary with his dog Whiskers, second favorite pet around the White House while President Roosevelt was still living.

Spending in the country reached a new peak of 100 billion dollars per year. War spending topped 90 billion. Receipts were 46 billion, setting a new record as well. The Government had the largest cash balance in the country's history at the close of the fiscal year, 24.7 billion dollars. The country's debt increased by 57 billion dollars during the year.

In Martinsburg, W. Va., a woman was taking a shortcut home with her groceries. As she crossed a railroad trestle, a locomotive approached and she had to drop over the edge of the trestle while the train passed. She then could not hoist herself back up, fell forty feet into a ravine, where she was found unconscious with a broken leg.

Shortcuts over long railroad trestles—unwise.

An inside page reports that Senator Harlan Bushfield of South Dakota complained to his colleagues that the U. N. Charter had several flaws which needed to be remedied, but that he nevertheless intended to vote for it. The flaws he finds are illusory. It did not delegate power of the Congress to the Security Council, as he contended, to declare war; the veto power preserved that right against use of force. It did not place U. S. sovereignty in the hands of foreigners, for the same reason. The U. N. Representative to the Security Council did not have the right to vote the country into war, as he acted at the instruction of the President; the Congress maintained the right to declare war. It did not grant to the Security Council the power to regulate the size of American armaments. It did not destroy the Monroe Doctrine or the Pan American Union. Senator Bushfield's pronouncements were uniformly uninformed.

And, the 1946 Ford is shown, set to begin rolling off the lines at the Ford Rouge plant soon, with 40,000 units to be built by the end of the year.

You can't wait to try out those new Deluxe and Super Deluxe models, can you? Beauty and grace are the watchwords. Grace and beauty. That they resemble the 1942's mightily should not discourage you. The difference is that these babies are brand new, and your old clunker is now nearly four years old and therefore falling apart. You haven't much longer to wait though for pure Ford quality which will last a lifetime.

Mercurys will be produced only in the Super Deluxe.

Get your orders in early.

On the editorial page, "Jimmy's Record" discusses James Byrnes, new Secretary of State, and his genius for political compromise, making him especially well-suited to head the State Department. As a Senator, he had supported the New Deal on all major foreign policy issues, including the World Court in 1935, ending the arms embargo, providing war supplies to the Allies before Pearl Harbor, seizing Axis ships and giving them to Britain, and providing to the President the power to set reciprocal tariffs without restrictions.

Domestically, he had been no friend to labor, but had voted for the major New Deal legislation regulating the economy.

"The Vets Speak" suggests that returning veterans were going to be full of eccentricities, such as praise for most foreigners, including Russians. They found them to be valiant fighting men, understood nothing of the xenophobic attitude in the States.

They did not cotton to race-baiting. "And that is strange, indeed."

Some 500 combat veterans had criticized the Spokane VFW post for refusing application to a wounded Japanese-American veteran, based on three blackball votes. The piece suggests that the VFW had not apparently followed the combat record of the Nisei in Italy and how they had distinguished themselves in that theater.

A year earlier, men returning from Guadalcanal were protesting that the American Legion of California was persecuting Japanese-American veterans behind their backs. And in the wake of that criticism, there was now sporadic violence reported in California aimed at Japanese-Americans returning from the relocation camps, as well as against some returning veterans.

"Vacation Guide" remarks on the story that Generalissimo Francisco Franco had invited American soldiers to vacation in Spain. The piece finds it coldly ironic that the locus of the origins of the European war, where the war was tried out, the training ground for the Axis, which had dragged the men overseas, would now solicit their trade as tourists.

It points out the many sights which the soldiers might wish to see during their visit.

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Senator James Eastland of Mississippi prating on to his colleagues about the Communist Party in America being behind the Fair Employment Practices Committee. And that it was a part of a plot to destroy the economy of the country and its government.

He then holds forth about Benjamin Gitlow, Communist Party candidate for vice-president in 1920 and 1928. Mr. Gitlow had written a book saying that the Communists sought to dominate America.

And then Senator Eastland quickly disappears into the dim print. Unfortunately, he did not likewise disappear from the political landscape but continued to be one of the reactionaries for another 33 years, albeit perhaps a couple of degrees to the left of his older colleague, Theodore Bilbo.

Shoot, they were both faded.

Drew Pearson remarks on the War Mobilization Advisory Board, chaired by former North Carolina Governor O. Max Gardner, having held a hearing the previous week at which War Mobilizer Fred Vinson had put the farmers in their places during a fierce debate before the Board regarding the ability of the Secretary of Agriculture to regulate food prices, as proposed by the farm lobby. Judge Vinson had challenged the lobby on this proposal, that it would effectively gut OPA and its effort to control prices on food. After a lively debate, Judge Vinson was able successfully to convince Congress not to accept the amendment to the OPA extension bill.

He next tells of the story being told by friends of President Roosevelt as to his views regarding the Tehran and Yalta Conferences, that FDR would first make his presentation, lasting three to five minutes, followed by Premier Stalin, who likewise would take three to five minutes. Then, according to the late President, Prime Minister Churchill would take the floor and hold it for thirty minutes to discuss his "memoirs". White House advisors were wondering how to avoid these "memoirs" when the Big Three would meet in Potsdam, now but 13 days from its start.

Finally, Mr. Pearson remarks of Senator Millard Tydings of Maryland criticizing the column from the floor of the Senate for questioning why Senator Tydings had returned from the Philippines after five days rather than staying the initially planned five weeks. Mr. Pearson says he offered no reason in the initial column on the sibject, merely had indicated that the Senator had returned abruptly after consulting with General MacArthur.

But, at the risk of prompting further criticism from the Senate floor, he relates of more facts which had since become available. General MacArthur had told the Senator that President Osmena was unpopular with the people and that viable Filipino political power lay with the guerilla forces who had fought the Japanese in the underground for three years throughout the period of occupation. Osmena was likely to be defeated in November. Thus, Senator Tydings would be consulting with a government which would likely soon fall from power and, by so doing, could complicate the November election by suggesting U. S. approval of Osmena.

Mr. Pearson speculates that General MacArthur was likely supporting his friend, Brigadier General Manuel Roxas, the only member of the Japanese puppet cabinet during occupation who did not act as a collaborator. General Roxas was running for the presidency, having resigned his position in the U. S. Army as part of General MacArthur's staff.

Samuel Grafton looks at the United Nations Charter, finds it first to set forth in Article 2, paragraph 4, the outlawing of force by one nation against another. While the concept had been around awhile, it was now set forth as binding on the nations to enable action to put down any such aggression, and served as the foundation on which to make it a war crime to wage aggressive warfare.

Another salient part of the Charter was the creation of the Social and Economic Council, to inquire into international economic issues and questions of health, culture, education, and the like. By having this Council, the U. N. would become a forum to which nations could come to engage in discussion and study of human progress around the world, and therefore to make recommendations for improved conditions.

Generally, the tone of the document created a "life of the United Nations", a new sphere of human conduct, apart from the individual nations comprising the organization. It would, he says, lead to a new type of people in the world, those living the United Nations life.

Marquis Childs states that the real test of internationalism would come after the vote in the Senate on the U. N. Charter, that only four or five Senators would likely vote against it. Even Burton Wheeler of Montana, the leading isolationist of the body, would probably vote in favor of it.

The real test would be on the reciprocal trade agreements bill and the Bretton Woods proposal for a World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The House had already passed Bretton Woods and now it was before the Senate. It would likely pass the committees and then go to a floor vote where there would be many more opposed than to the U.N. Charter.

Public opinion was running strongly in favor of the Charter. But it was more difficult to muster public support for Bretton Woods and easier to raise public doubts.

So, despite the fact that Bretton Woods provided the financial machinery to make the U. N. work, to maintain the peace, it was more easily cast to one side politically than was the U. N. itself.

Eric Goldman, writing in the July issue of The American Mercury, discusses polls and polling in American political life, stressing the Gallup and Roper polls. Most of the criticism of the polls had been directed against George Gallup, especially in the 1944 election which many believed Mr. Gallup tried to skew toward favorability of Governor Thomas Dewey. Mr. Gallup had been an advisor to the Dewey campaign. A House committee chaired by Representative Clifford Anderson, now the new Secretary of Agriculture, had investigated the Gallup Poll on this charge and, while critical of the poll, found no attempt to skew its results toward any particular candidate.

The previous November, the Princeton Office of Public Opinion Research, (BUST), investigated public opinion regarding polls, finding that 56 percent had heard of polls, 16 percent followed them regularly, and 34 percent followed them occasionally. Mr. Goldman parenthetically compares these percentages to a survey taken on knowledge of the Bill of Rights, finding that 23 percent of the people were not certain they had heard of the Bill, while 39 percent had heard of it but could not identify what it was.

Most of the people had heard only of Gallup, with only 7 percent having heard of Roper or the Crossley Poll.

Polls had shown that a third of the population was unaware of what a tariff was, that a majority of the citizenry could not name a single provision of the Atlantic Charter of August, 1941, and two-thirds were oblivious to the fact that the U.S. was receiving reverse lend-lease from Great Britain.

Mr. Goldman concludes by questioning the value of polling data on issues, that majority rule was a good way to obtain sectional resistance and class resistance on any given issue, as the vocal minority would inevitably rise up. Moreover, the hallmark of leadership was to lead, not to follow the winds of popular sentiment at a given moment. Leadership meant understanding of issues and the ability to explain them in a way which would resonate with the people and change popular will to a more palatable course of action. If opinion polls should be the source of political action, then the country might as well, he opines, hire $25 per week clerks to perform the nation's business based on polling data.

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