Now, Private McGee was once again in the brig, this time for going AWOL, getting drunk, and resisting arrest. It was not the first time for those charges.

The public and the newspapers had been gullible and duped.

It finds, however, that the judge, Eugene V. Alessandronia, had missed his opportunity, among the name changing, to become an Alexander.

Congressman Albert Engel of Michigan indicated that he, too, had initially possessed reservations as to whether Great Britain was doing its fair share, especially with respect to retaking Singapore. But when General Marshall had testified before the War Department Subcommittee, of which Mr. Engel was a member, the General assured that Britain was shouldering as much of the burden as it could.

He next tells of Samuel Goldwyn being in the process of filming the life of General Eisenhower. One of the most important characters would be his mother, whose ancestors had immigrated from Germany via Switzerland. Mr. Goldwyn's mother had immigrated from Poland. Mrs. Eisenhower hated war and did not want Dwight to enter West Point. She had four other sons still living. Milton was president of Kansas State College. Arthur was vice-president of the Commerce Trust Co. of Kansas City. Earl was a prominent attorney. When someone in Abilene, Kans., remarked to her that she must be very proud of her son, upon his return from Europe to his hometown, she responded: "Which one?"

He next turns to the advice once provided by the late Wendell Willkie to President Roosevelt, to obtain commitments from allies while their "tears were hot". Mr. Willkie had stated: "As lawyers, you and I know that it pays to collect your fee while your client's tears are hot. Once their case is won, they forget. So now is the time to get commitments from our allies regarding what we want after the war."

Wendell, you can say that again.

Plans on governing Berlin could have been worked out a year earlier, but the War Department insisted on control of post-war Germany as against the diplomatic role of the European Advisory Committee and the State Department. Things had dragged on until Yalta, and by then the Russians were no longer in peril.

The lesson to be learned was with regard to Japan, that the present was the time to work things out with the Russians at Potsdam on how post-war Japan would be occupied, rather than waiting until the Pacific war was over.

Well, everybody was in for a Big Surprise. Harry had his hand firmly on the Tiller, more so than anyone then realized, outside a small coterie of scientists and upper level Government representatives.

British reluctance to provide permission to fly into British Empire holdings around the world also had held up the decision. The British pointed out the unfair advantage which America had accumulated during the war with its vast industrial capability and production of not only bombers, as had been the exclusive lot of Britain, but also transport planes.

In the end, the momentum of the new air age was impelling the decision for competition in the field of international travel, as opposed to monopolistic control of the airways by one airline.

The situation in Europe was puzzling: Americans were leaving France without food or transportation while vowing to feed Berlin; Americans were leaving Italy in the grip of high inflation with all its attendant ills, including rampant prostitution.

The auto industry had been given the green light to resume production but had found itself short of necessary sheet metal, cadmium, and tin. It sought alleviation of these shortages from Washington.

Generally, the country was racing toward normalcy, in such pell-mell fashion that it appeared dangerous, for the obstacles to reconversion after such total war were real and unmistakable, and were of a global nature, not just at home. A more realistic view of the reconversion process needed to be understood.

Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and Greece had competing views on how Macedonia, part of which was in Serbian territory and part in Greece, should be treated, whether as an independent state, as desired by Tito, albeit one which would be a puppet of the Soviets, or to have a portion of it held by Greece. Several nationalities populated the territory, including Bulgars, Turks, Albanians, and Jews, in addition to Serbs and Greeks.

Complicating matters were the uncertain boundaries, given that Macedonia had not been an independent state in 2,000 years.

With Yugoslavia within the Soviet sphere of influence and Greece in the British sphere, the region held out the potential for breeding tense relations between Britain and the Soviet Union.