Assistant Secretary of State Nelson Rockefeller had been responsible for arranging admission of Argentina to the United Nations, no sooner than done that reports had developed of even greater Nazi-style repressive tactics than had occurred prior to the admission.

In San Francisco, the State Department officials had appeared to be as antagonistic to Russia as they possibly could be.

The editorial does not consider in this regard the presence of anti-Communist and future Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, as a key Republican adviser to the American delegation.

Alger Hiss, pumpkin or no, may have had the right idea—to try to loosen the bounds of the Iron Curtain, raised largely in an atmosphere of mutual paranoia between the Russians and the West.

The piece concludes that President Roosevelt, having been essentially his own Secretary of State, did not need to rely so heavily on Mr. Stettinius as had President Truman thus far. While the President had announced that he had no intention of replacing Mr. Stettinius, the editorial thinks it might not be a bad idea.

In about three weeks, as soon as the conference in San Francisco would end, President Truman would announce that James Byrnes, as had been speculated since April, would replace Mr. Stettinius as Secretary of State and that Mr. Stettinius would become the first American representative to the United Nations Organization.

Mr. Truman had on May 3 already offered the position to Mr. Byrnes at the suggestion of Secretary of War Henry Stimson and Mr. Byrnes had accepted. The President maintained the appointment secretly so as not to undermine confidence in the work of Mr. Stettinius and the delegation at San Francisco.

Labor had made significant gains in popularity in recent years and were attacking Churchill as the old Tory bent on preservation of the Empire in a new world economy.

Mr. Churchill attacked Labor as being sympathetic with socialism and thus courting disaster, leading even to the loss of individual freedom to a Gestapo-type organ of the state.

The editorial finds Mr. Zhukov's observations to ignore the mirror which betrayed the obvious: that his own Izvestia was the kept organ of the Soviet Government. He appeared to view the function of journalism to be that of reporting the official version of events, the only one proper to recount.

He concludes by saying that the Senate had lost its allowance and the House was afraid to take it up. It was akin, he said, to the situation whereby, "A nigger and a white man are playing seven-up/ The nigger wins the money and is afraid to pick it up."

Laughter on the floor, it indicates, had followed.

Times have changed.

What Congressman Adam Clayton Powell, just elected in November from New York, thought of the statement, is not printed.

President Truman quickly allayed his fears, telling him that no union boss would be in charge of the country, that the Secretary of Labor would be accountable only to him.

Mr. Thomas then broached the issue of reconversion, urging the President to do something to insure jobs to the many displaced war workers, former autoworkers, being fired by the thousands daily from airplane and tank factories. The President gave him his word that he was sensitive to the issue and would seek to do all he could, but that time was pressing on a myriad of matters which had to be dealt with in the proper order.

Finally, Mr. Thomas remarked on his reservations regarding how Secretary of State Stettinius had allowed the country to become the "kite on the tail of the British hen" with respect to dealing with Moscow. Mr. Truman responded that Mr. Stettinius was not to blame for that circumstance, that it resulted from the confusion ensuing FDR's death. There simply had not been enough time to prepare afterward for the San Francisco Conference.

Mr. Pearson next remarks on a subject covered a couple of days earlier by the editorial column, the conservative appointments of Secretary of Commerce Henry Wallace to the special committee set up to study monopolization of patents. Dr. Vannevar Bush and Charles Kettering of G.M. had been appointed, but even more startling had been Houston Kenyon, who had favored the Standard Oil of N. J. stowage of I. G. Farben patents during the war, effectively keeping synthetic oil patents out of American hands at a time when they were desperately needed to offset the loss of natural rubber in the Pacific. It had been thought that Attorney General Francis Biddle would provide an offset to the pro-patent members of the committee, but with his firing, it was now expected that the committee's final report would be delayed until after he departed Justice on July 1.

Finally, Mr. Pearson reports of the War Food Administration, with the end of the war in Europe, cutting down Army requirements of sugar to allow more for the civilian marketplace. It was also cutting the allotment to Europe to feed civilians. The larger allotment at home would help save many small businesses dependent on sugar.

Without a cohesive Allied policy at work between Russia and the West, there were three discrete zones, British, American, and Russian, within Austria, over which there was no common policy. There was little organization even within each zone from town to town. The goal for Austria established by the United Nations was independence, but the result so far was only disorganized military occupation by three distinct nations.

The resulting chaos had caused disillusionment among the newly liberated and threatened to unleash forces which thrive in such chaos, not revolutionary but subversive to an organized society.

The President was charged under the proposed bill with the responsibility of letting Congress know how many people likely in the coming fiscal year would want jobs, how much business activity it would take to produce those jobs, and then to estimate how much private business there would actually be in the coming year. If the estimated number of jobs needed were not capable of being produced by the expected amount of business, then it was the further responsibility of the President to suggest to Congress how to make up the difference, including, as a last resort, proposals for Federal expenditures to create directly the jobs.

At that point, the bill prescribed to the Congress the job of implementation of the President's plan or coming up with its own.

Overall, Mr. Grafton believed that Senate Bill No. 380 would have a cathartic impact on the country and its economy. For to be assured of a job would likely have demonstrable positive effects on spending and create a positive business cycle.

He finds SHAEF, however, in a difficult position given that there had been widespread criticism of the policy of the American military in allowing journalists to interview captured Nazi leaders and German generals, who were then using the opportunity to spread propaganda. When the Americans stopped the interviews, the press cried "censorship".

The American press had itself to blame for part of the problem in that it had helped to spread the German notion of infallibility by expressing the views of the interviewed Germans that the military had not been responsible for losing the war. And the Russians could therefore justifiably keep American journalists out of their Eastern European occupation zone.

The isolationist and anti-Russian American press, such as the Chicago Tribune and specifically correspondent Donald Day, had, in the past, caused problems with respect to Russia. But there was also a highly responsible section of the press which would exercise discretion in how it would report things in Eastern Europe. It was far better to allow transparency than to build up suspicions behind a wall of censorship, such that when the story would finally be released, as it always inevitably would, in its wake would come far stronger reaction for being maintained behind a veil of secrecy than had it been released at its inception. He cites Argentina, and its continued mistreatment of political prisoners having come to light recently, as a case in point.