Tuesday, April 24, 1945

The Charlotte News

Tuesday, April 24, 1945

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page and inside page report that the First White Russian Army and the First Ukrainian Army had tightened their encirclement of Berlin, moving southeast of Brandenburg and east of Potsdam. More than a third of the city was in Russian hands, as Germans on the northern and eastern edges continued to resist. Tanks had cracked the city's inner defenses, permitting the capture of the Metropolitan Gas Works, but eight blocks from Alexander Platz at city center. The Russians had also taken a major factory which had been manufacturing parachutes and another which produced airplane engines. The Germans reported ongoing battles a block and a half from Friedrichstrasse and Unter Den Linden, at Friedrich's Park and Koenigs Gate. Fires were raging in the Weissensee District, taken by the Red Army.

Additional suburbs captured included Birkenwerder, Hennisdorf, Helligensee, and Tetlow, the latter south of the capital.

Civilians reported that it was hell inside the city, with fires everywhere, officers fighting with enlisted men. One division commander shot his driver when the latter had suggested surrender.

Female members of the Red Army were stationed at numerous street corners directing Army traffic, some being American trucks.

Soldiers reported seeing white flags flying from windows along Berlinerstrasse, leading to Wilhelmstrasse.

To the south, the Russians had moved in Austria to Eisenerz, 87 miles from Linz and 85 from Salzburg, 89 miles from Berchtesgaden and 155 miles from the Third Army.

On the Western Front, the Third Army advanced eighteen miles, to within eight miles of Regensburg, and three miles west of the Danube in another position. Other Third Army troops were 93 miles from Linz and Salzburg, and 105 miles from Berchtesgaden, roughly the same distances as were the Russians.

A junction of the American and Russian Armies was expected anytime, a French report stating that the two forces had already met at Eilenburg, nine miles northeast of Leipzig, presumably referring either to Ninth or First Army forces, or a combination thereof.

The Seventh Army and the French First Army captured Ulm on the Danube following a ten-mile overnight advance. Captured enemy documents showed that Field Marshal Erwin Rommel had died October 14 at Ulm from wounds received in the strafing incident on his staff car in Normandy several weeks earlier.

After the war, a different story would be told, that he was coerced into suicide by the fact of Hitler's belief in his complicity in the July 20 plot, that he was given a choice of suicide or standing trial before the People's Court with a foregone conclusion.

The Seventh Army was moving the last 50 miles toward Munich. The 44th Division crossed the Danube at Ehingen, 117 miles northwest of the Brenner Pass. Infantry and armor of the Third and Fourth Divisions widened the bridgehead at Dillingen. The 12th Armored took an airfield at Kicklingen, plus the towns of Gumbremmingen, Altenbraindt, and Sontheim.

The 100th Division captured a V-bomb plant still intact and in operation through the previous Friday.

The French First Army moved close to the Austrian border.

To the north, the British continued the siege of Bremen and tightened its arc around Hamburg.

The Canadians took Wagenborn, fifteen miles east of Groningen, and also Appingedam. The Army had taken 28,000 enemy prisoners in the previous month since crossing the Rhine.

All along the 275-mile Western Front, the Allies had scored substantial gains, with the First, Third, Seventh, and French Armies now consisting of 375,000 men. The nine Western Armies had captured more than a million German prisoners during the fateful and decisive month of April, 2.3 million since D-Day.

A report indicates that along the Elbe, three German soldiers had shot in the back three American prisoners from the Ninth Army and then took their uniforms. The Germans then headed to the rear of the lines in a jeep. There was no word on whether they had been captured.

Marshal Henri Petain, France's World War I hero, now considered as the traitor who helped to sell out France to the Nazis, entered Switzerland from Germany and declared his willingness to stand trial in France. King Leopold of Belgium, in a similar status, also reached the Swiss border this date. The primary traitor to France, Pierre Laval, reached Liechtenstein, but was denied entry. M. Laval had already been tried, convicted, and sentenced to death in absentia by a court in Marseille.

The trial of Marshal Petain for treason was scheduled to begin May 17. General De Gaulle had stated his opinion that he thought Petain would be shot. Otherwise, his subordinates could not be convicted and sentenced likewise to death. The prosecution would seek to prove that the formerly venerated hero of Verdun had been in contact with the Nazis before the war and that he had personally directed the activities of the collaborationists at the fall of France in spring, 1940.

While the 89-year old Petain would be spared his life in deference to his age, despite conviction and sentence to death for treason by the tribunal, Pierre Laval would be executed in October.

According to information received in Paris, Hitler and the rest of the German High Command and Government had fled to Berchtesgaden, were not in Berlin as contended by German radio reports out of Hamburg the day before. An underground radio station of the Werwulfs claimed that Hitler had left Berlin, but that Herr Doktor Goebbels remained to direct the Volkssturm. A third report from Free Dutch radio claimed that Hitler had gone to a northern redoubt in Mecklenburg Province, next to Denmark.

A story on an inside page tells more of the warnings to the Germans being made by the Allied military commands, the heads of State of the Big Three, and by Congress that they refrain from further atrocities.

Another report tells of a forced death march of American prisoners from Saalfeld in Thuringia, by Germans fleeing the approach of the Third Army, leading the captured troops toward the Bavarian redoubt, possibly to use them as hostages. According to an airman who had escaped, those among the prisoners who had collapsed were shot. About 12,000 American Air Corps officers were being moved to Moosburg prison camp near Munich. Some of the prisoners were left sterile, apparently by the Nazi practice of putting substances in their food which counteracted the presence of vitamin E.

William Frye reports firsthand from the liberated concentration camp at Belsen that the previous day, 1,600 corpses had been buried. It was the first day during the previous week, since the British had first entered the camp, that burials of the dead outnumbered those who had died on a given day. Still, 300 to 400 persons per day were dying of starvation and disease. Yet, progress was being made to clean up the camp and make it fit for human habitation.

In Italy, the Fifth Army had moved across the Po River to pursue fleeing German troops while the British Eighth Army captured Ferrara northeast of Bologna, against continued heavy fighting. Also taken were Bondeno and Finale, west of Ferrara, along the immediate approaches to the Po. On the west coast, the Fifth Army captured La Spezia and Modena, the latter a junction on Highway 9. The new offensive had resulted in capture of 40,000 prisoners.

On Okinawa, the 24th Corps employed flame-throwers along the southern coasts, while the 27th Division made small gains on the west coast, and the 7th captured two crags along the east coast, moving slowly toward problematic Hill 178, where the Japanese were replacing machine-guns as fast as the Americans could knock them out. Each of the 36 emplacements around the hill had been silenced during the day, only to have each gun replaced and ensuing reinvigoration of the nests.

Japanese batteries fired 650 artillery rounds into the 96th Division lines at the center of the island. Overall net progress in the six-day push toward Naha, the capital, had still amounted to little against what had been dubbed the Japanese "Little Siegfried Line".

The Third Amphibious Corps Marines had virtually completed operations at the northern end of the island.

Secretary of State Stettinius had arrived on this morning in San Francisco, the day before the start of the historic United Nations Charter Conference, which would last for nearly two months. The determination of the Polish government and how it was to be constituted remained unresolved between the Big Three, posing the major obstacle to final unity at the conference.

At the start, the Big Four, including China, would have complete control of the conference and could, at will, therefore, implement the entire Dumbarton Oaks proposal reached the previous October in Georgetown. The conference was set to begin Wednesday at 4:30 p.m., PWT (the equivalent of PDT, today). Set your watches accordingly, so as not to miss any of the action.

On the editorial page, "Two Peace Fronts" reminds that with the start of the San Francisco Conference, it had nevertheless to be borne in mind that only the broad principles for the future preservation of the peace could be stated, that the final preservation would actually be done, insofar as the role of the United States, in Washington in time to come.

And there was bickering in Washington anent the Bretton Woods accord to establish the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, to staibilize world currencies and prevent future world depressions which had led to the birth and traction of Fascism and Nazism in Europe, thus to World War II. Republicans and some conservative Democrats, along with the bankers, did not want the IMF because they disliked the prospect of sending money "over there", though it meant rebuilding war-torn nations and keeping them stable economically once rebuilt. They talked peace, but appeared not necessarily ready to do the things required for its maintenance.

There existed further dissension regarding reciprocal trade agreements, the desire by the Democrats to water down the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act with a bill giving the President the right to reduce tariffs, when necessary to encourage international trade, by as much as 50 percent. The high tariffs of the Act had already been reduced by Congress by 50 percent and many thought further reduction an invitation to loss of industry and jobs at home to markets abroad, which could build product at cheaper labor rates and thus unfairly compete with American-made goods.

Again, however, those concerns, valid though they were, had to be counterpoised with the overriding exigency, regarding the stability of world economy to avoid those conditions which had led to World War II.

"After You, Ivan" states that there was no shock in the report on April 13 of the withdrawal of American troops from Berlin's suburbs. Drew Pearson had revealed that it was at Stalin's insistence to accord a part of the Yalta agreement, that the Soviets would be the Army to capture and occupy Berlin.

The editorial states not only its lack of surprise at this agreement and demand by the Soviets, but also that there was no cause for concern. For the Americans would likely be disposed to deal too fairly with the Germans; the Russians might tend to practice executioner rather summarily.

In any event, the American battle plans were revised and the troops pulled back to the Elbe. It saved American lives, provided time to mop up, regroup, and shore up supply lines.

The only problem had come in the reported accusation of the Russians that the Americans had made an underhanded deal with the Germans to allow American advance following the removal of the best German troops and armor to the Eastern Front, the Germans believing that they could cut a better deal on terms of armistice with the Western Allies. It was reported that Stalin had accused President Roosevelt of such a deal in a message transmitted about four days prior to the President's death. The President's response had been that it was the strength of the Allied Armies which had enabled the accelerated movement, not any deal.

It should be noted, as the piece does not, that there was at times indication in the syndicated columns that people within the United States were speculating during the summer and fall as to why it was taking the Russians so long to take Warsaw, then during the winter, why they had taken so long to cross the Oder for the final approach to Berlin. Samuel Grafton wrote several columns regarding this fundamental schism in American thinking, on the one hand being suspicious of the Russian speed of advance, that maybe they did so with intent to grab territory, on the other wondering why they did not advance faster. As he had termed such thinking: Want a betel nut?

The piece concludes that such trouble, distrust between East and West, while it meant little in the current phase of the war, could be disastrous in preserving the peace in the future.

"The Left-Overs" discusses the dilemma faced by Secretary of Commerce Henry Wallace in fastening on how to dispose of the war surplus property, estimated to be worth between 15 and 30 billion dollars, without flooding it into the markets at home and causing prices of goods to drop accordingly. With food, if the surplus were to be dumped on Europe, it would spoil the prospect of having three million Americans involved in foreign trade; but if dumped at home, it would slow post-war production and complicate the creation of the targeted 60 million jobs.

Mr. Wallace had not been heard to complain, but the piece was anxious to hear how he intended to accomplish the feat.

"A Useful Sojourn" comments on the transfer of a minister, Dr. John A. Redhead, from the Second Presbyterian Church of Charlotte to the First Presbyterian Church of Greensboro. He had fulfilled his duties energetically and without stuffiness, had made many friends in the community, did not preach hell-and-brimstone, yet had managed, along with others of his type, to create something of a revival in the religious spirit of the community.

The excerpt from the Congressional Record finds Senator Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan recommending extension of the Lend-Lease bill for a year or such shorter period as the Congress might direct. He then extols the many virtues of Lend-Lease through the war since its passage in March, 1941.

In short, it had saved countless American lives and enabled the Allies to carry on the war, especially Great Britain, but also Russia, when otherwise all of Europe likely would have come under Nazi control.

Drew Pearson reports that Harry Truman had two meetings with Republicans in the space of a week, one before he became President and one afterward. In the former he had stated candidly that he was a partisan in the role of Vice-President, a member of the Administration. But, as Speaker of the Senate, he was strictly non-partisan and asked the Republicans to correct him should he stray from that mean while serving in that capacity.

He had met with eight Republicans, led by Senator Taft of Ohio, as Samuel Grafton had commented the day before, shortly after FDR's death. He assured them, in response to their pledge of general support, that he respected the two-party system within the country and that he would administer the nation's business in a non-partisan manner despite his being a party man. He told them that the door to his office would always be open to them, that their representation of a minority party was a crucial part of the American system.

The Republicans perceived from these assurances that the new President would appoint Republicans to commissions. One of their great frustrations had been the Roosevelt habit of appointing liberal independents to commissions instead of Republicans when the legal number of Democratic seats had been filled.

Some 35 Congressmen had attended a dinner at the Statler Hotel the previous week, on April 17, given by the National Homebuilders' Association, lobbying to keep the Government out of the post-war home-building industry.

After various Congressmen had spoken in favor of post-war housing development, the Association lobbyist Daniel Loftus rose to speak. He began by launching an attack on the late President and Mrs. Roosevelt, only two days after the President's last remains had been laid to rest in Hyde Park. He said that Roosevelt "was a great dreamer who started to socialize things, aided and abetted by his wife, who rushed around with her rubber boots and little blue roadster—which was a Cadillac."

He then criticized the "socialistic schemes" of the New Deal and the Communist influence which had been allegedly brought to bear on the White House.

A dozen of the Congressmen walked out during the talk. One freshman Congressman, Walter Huber of Akron, rose following the diatribe and stated: "It comes with ill grace two days after the burial of our great President to make a personal attack upon him and his bereaved widow." The room fell into silence as most, including Republicans, nodded in agreement.

Mr. Huber went on to defend recently defeated Aubrey Williams, denied confirmation, prior to FDR's death, to be director of the Rural Electrification Administration, stating that were it not for such a dreamer and a dreamer's program as REA, the Association members present at that dinner would not have had the homes to build in the first place.

Mr. Pearson thinks it unlikely that the Association would have much luck in the future in arranging such Congressional dinners.

In some degree of irony, the meeting had taken place at the same hotel in which President Roosevelt had, in September, addressed the Teamsters Union in the most memorable speech of the 1944 presidential campaign, necessarily truncated by the desire of both candidates not to tread on the progress of the war at that critical juncture.

Marquis Childs discusses the death of columnist Ernie Pyle, praising him for having been able to use his deft eye for humanity to translate his observations into words in simple array, providing a description of the war for the people at home as well as for the soldiers on the front.

When Mr. Childs had been in Europe and in Italy in February, many soldiers felt somewhat abandoned that Mr. Pyle had left the theater and gone to cover the Pacific war, which he had done seven months before his death, April 18 on Ie Jima.

Mr. Pyle had always been out on the lines with the soldiers, not supping with the brass.

Mr. Childs suspects that he was gloomy about his own success and that it was that gloom which had led to the sense that he would not return from the Pacific theater, as he had communicated to friends.

"There is no substitute for experience—for the kind of hell that hundreds of thousands of Americans are going through. Not all our modern technique of radio and motion picture can halfway bridge the gap. But the shy little man whom people all over America spoke of as Ernie came as close to it as anyone has."

Samuel Grafton enunciates his sympathy for the sentiments being expressed suggestive of tit-for-tat reprisal for German atrocities against war prisoners, that for each such atrocity, a German would be selected from the nearest town and executed, the town razed. But, he adds, though fulfilling of a need for retribution, it would likely do no good.

The previous week, it had been reported from Gardelegen that giggling Nazi boys of sixteen years of age had burned a barn containing 1,100 civilian slaves, burning them alive. Killing these boys, opines Mr. Grafton, making them into martyrs, would only serve their purposes and probably make them happy. So, too, would torture. They so perceived the world.

The Germans could not be gauged, he cautions, by American standards of sentience. They were a people of emotional immaturity, as reported by the soldiers who had seen their activities firsthand.

At Buchenwald, the SS had prepared a table near the multiple gibbet so that they might sip wine and have meals during the executions.

The patterns were not fathomable within traditional behavioral norms. It was not possible to punish them in the conventional manner. Communication with them was not practicable.

Though he favored punishment, in the end, war crimes tribunals would not cause them to see the light. It would require more. It would require forcing them to grow up and out of their evil ways bred of immaturity.

Part of the formula would be to dumbfound that evil face with success of unity among the Allies, feeding the French, putting all of Europe back together and in a prosperous condition, forming a unified accord at San Francisco. These events, more than anything else, would convince the Nazis of the futility of parades and murders, that exercise of the god-like powers over life and death by their Will was not the achievement of the Superman superego, but rather the necessary repression of it, the self-emasculation to the point of reversion to an entirely bestial state of existence, of which Germany was now reduced of its own Will and its own facile and tacit acquiescence.

So, concludes Mr. Grafton, the punishment should not be an eye for an eye, but rather to supply to the Nazi a new eye, so that he might comprehend into the future the difference between right and wrong.

Dorothy Thompson, returning to her column after a month spent in travel to tour the Western Front, writes from London that the death of President Roosevelt had cast gloom on the city. FDR had represented a friend to the British, one who could effect the peace along with Prime Minister Churchill. It was Roosevelt to whom they attributed the greatest weight of accomplishment in effecting amity with the Russians.

But now, many doubts had surfaced among Britons as to whether the accords reached at Yalta would be enforced. Most of this concern focused on the Polish question, as representatives of the London government-in-exile had reportedly gone to meet with Soviet authorities on March 27 but had not been heard from since by anyone in London or by either American or British representatives in Moscow.

There had also arisen concern regarding British and American diplomats assigned to the Czechoslovak provisional government at Kosice. The Russian Ambassador, Valerian Zorin, had arrived in Kosice. But the Americans and British had been informed that conditions were not yet ripe for them to go, as planned, to the provisional seat of government.

Mr. Zorin, on October 25, 1962, during the Cuban Missile Crisis, as Russia's Ambassador to the United Nations, would receive the famous retort from U.S. Ambassador Adlai Stevenson, that the latter was prepared "to wait...until hell freezes over" if necessary for the answer to Ambassador Stevenson's question of Mr. Zorin as to whether he denied that the Soviet Union had in fact placed in Cuba long-range offensive missiles. This exchange would become one of the pivotal moments in the thirteen-day crisis, which nearly led to World War III. Mr. Stevenson having backed down Mr. Zorin before the Security Council, in the face of presentation of aerial reconnaissance photographs of the missile installations, turned the tide of world opinion to the side of the United States and provided the public drama necessary to place the Soviets on the defensive politically and diplomatically. It proved a decisive moment in the history thus far of the United Nations Organization, acting as a galvanizing force for maintaining and enduring further the chilly peace in that coldest of Cold War crises.

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