Wednesday, March 28, 1945

The Charlotte News

Wednesday, March 28, 1945

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the First Army was moving forward, meeting only token resistance, as its tank columns surged to the east, now 60 miles beyond the Rhine, to Bellinhausen, and Giessen, the latter 225 miles southwest of Berlin.

The Third Army had moved 28 miles beyond nearly captured Frankfurt, took Wiesbaden, after seizing Gemuenden, 218 miles from Berlin, and were within seven miles of a junction with the First Army north of the Main River. Other elements of the Army were thought to be within the Spessart Hills, a hundred miles from Czechoslovakia and the Russian Army.

The Ninth Army had captured Hamborn, the northern section of Duisburg, in which was located the Thyssen steel works, had bypassed Duisburg proper to move southeast toward Essen.

The First, Third, and Seventh Armies were moving in concert now along an 80-mile wide front, stretching from Mannheim, besieged and entered by the Seventh Army, to a point east of captured Bonn. The Seventh had joined the Third Army on the Main below Aschaffenburg.

British armored columns were moving rapidly eastward in Westphalia, breaking through German defenses between Bocholt and Dorsten, to advance to within 30 miles of Muenster, within 35 miles of Hamm, within a half mile of Borken and two miles of Bocholt. Dorsten had been captured by the British. Berlin radio reported British tank columns in Minden, 180 miles from the capital, 110 miles beyond the Rhine bridgehead just forged at Wesel during the weekend.

News blackout prevented up to date reports of the precise locations of each of the Allied Armies.

At least 14,000 additional Germans had surrendered in the rapid drives.

Hal Boyle impressionistically reports from an armored column in Germany that weary infantry, exhausted from three consecutive days and nights of advance, fell asleep on the backs of their tanks.

German prisoners were so compliant that they needed no guard as they streamed in with upraised arms, tired and hungry, no longer receiving supplies through broken lines.

The advantages of the return of spring to the front was partially offset by the return likewise of the omnipresent strong stench of death from the battlefield, pervasive as the men moved forward across the countryside dotted with dead horses. When horses were found dead near the highway, they were doused with gasoline and set on fire, as nothing smelled quite so bad as dead horse.

Dust clouds hung as a pall over the area wherever armored columns advanced, the dust clinging to tanks and men alike, causing the infantry to tie handkerchiefs around the muzzles of their guns to keep them clear.

Two formations consisting of some 400 American heavy bombers, escorted by 350 fighters, attacked Berlin by daylight for the fifth time thus far in 1945, while another force of 500 heavy bombers hit Hannover. RAF Mosquitos also struck the capital the night before, the 36th consecutive such night raid.

Meanwhile, DNB, the German news agency, announced that steps would be taken to remove all non-essential persons from Berlin.

General Mark Clark, commander of all Allied forces in Italy, informed Patriot forces in Northern Italy to be on the ready to hamper the movement of potentially evacuating German troops through the Brenner Pass from the Bologna front. He stated that sooner or later the order would have to come from Berlin for the German forces to retreat so that they could lend aid to the defenses of Germany.

On the Eastern Front, the Russians had taken Csorna in northwestern Hungary, eleven miles from the Austrian border. Gdynia, the last large Polish city in German hands, was captured also, along with 9,000 German prisoners. Fighting continued within Danzig to the north.

German radio stated that the Russians had captured Lebus on the west side of the Oder River, northwest of Kuestrin, 37 miles from Berlin.

The Germans also announced that the Russians had crossed the Raba River, last major water obstacle to Austria, at some points as little as twenty miles from the border. Fighting was said to have erupted at Sarvar, west of the Raba, and continued at Gyor, 45 miles to the northeast. Civilians were being evacuated from Moravskaostrava, guarding the Moravian Gap in Czechoslovakia—somewhere near the I-40 autobahn, not far from the Tinsmith's Coffee Pot.

On Cebu, the American landing forces of Monday were sweeping toward Cebu City, afire from Japanese demolition efforts.

An unconfirmed Tokyo broadcast stated that American carrier planes had raided Kyushu with about 90 carrier-based planes, following two B-29 raids on the island within the previous 12 hours.

On the editorial page, "A Fresh Start" looks forward to the appointment of a new Board of Control on April 1 for the State hospitals and urges the Governor to appoint men of ability and desire to reform the hospitals.

"L'Affaire Franco" examines the determination by the United Nations Rehabilitation and Relief Administration, under the direction of former New York Governor Herbert Lehman, as indicated the previous day by Drew Pearson, to stand in contravention of State Department policy with respect to Fascist Spain and not order two million blankets from the dictatorship of Franco, on the premise that it was pro-Axis. The State Department, by contrast, urged trade with Spain and also approved sale of oil and gasoline to it, without which the Franco regime could not survive.

The editorial wonders at the State Department position and why it did not follow the same hard-line policy of UNRRA. One asserted reason was the need for valuable war materials for Spain. Yet, UNRRA needed materials and found no such excuse to be awarded Franco.

Another, not mentioned, was the agreement reached with America and Great Britain a year earlier to obtain Spain's cooperation in not sending more than ten percent of its previous supply of wolfram, a necessary ingredient for steel, to Nazi Germany. In exchange, the Allies agreed to continue the trade in oil and gasoline. Hence, the rationale.

In any event, the piece urges that the State Department observe the same rigorous strictures as UNRRA.

"Benjamin Braniff", from May 10, 1944, incidentally, is now here, sort of. "'Woodchopper's Ball'" is now here.

"The Navy's Plan" comments upon the surprising proposal announced by Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal to have all thirteen American international communications companies merged under one roof and operated by the Government. Secretary Forrestal personally held beliefs contrary to such a Government monopoly over world news. In his presentation on Capitol Hill on behalf of the admirals, he expressed some reluctance to assert the view, but nevertheless did so.

The Senators appeared adamantly opposed to the plan and so it was unlikely to pass.

The piece nevertheless avers that it would be a calamitous restriction on freedom of press to enable the Government to censor all overseas news. The counter by the Navy that the thirteen companies would inevitably, by competition, be so winnowed finally as to wind up a monopoly anyway, and that by combining their services, the public would obtain the cheapest rates, begged the issue. The dangers far outweighed the conceivable benefit.

"Delinquency Cure" asks whether the reader's children were running wild, whether there existed fear they might join the army of juvenile delinquents, whether they were defiant of parental authority in a home hell of conflicting wills and torn by unhappiness.

If so, asserts the piece, it was the reader's fault. But there existed, alas, a remedy: Ice cream in the freezer.

If sapient parents had the ice cream in the freezer to soothe the savage spirit of the teenaged stray from the straight and narrow, then junior would not have bumped off the cop or swiped the automobile or, even worse, wandered off to the juke joints to play juke. (Honest to goodness, we just saw that episode of our favorite 1960's program last night, probably for the first time since December 7, 1965, and without reading ahead. There you are. If we had been out carousing in the moonlight, last night or in December, 1965, dousing our sorrows in spiked Yoo-hoos or the like, why, how could we know of such things improbable and of lasting consequence?)

The editors had been informed of this wisdom by one Charles Paine of Charleston, Mass., an official of a cooperative creamery association, as seconded by Ethel Austin Martin of the National Dairy Association.

"See?" it says.

No. As we said, all they wanted was a cheeseburger and some fries. Milkshake, though, might not be bad.

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Representative Clarence Cannon of Missouri delivering up the history of House gag rules and how the minority always, through multiple Congresses, had characterized the rules as iniquitous instruments of the Devilish majority to visit havoc on the rights of the minority. It was so through time, regardless of which party was in the majority. It was inevitably the case that the minority party would yell foul.

Drew Pearson reports that General Marshall had refused to speculate, in his testimony before the Senate Military Affairs Committee, on when the war in Europe might end. He stated that, by all rights, it should have ended, but the German Army had given no sign of surrender with the Gestapo gun pointed to their heads. Their gasoline was practically gone, without enough even to move supplies. Yet, given the decreasing length of their lines, supply was less difficult than for the Allies. Replacement and repair of equipment was also relatively simple, given the proximity to tank factories, just a few miles from the German front lines.

He also asserted that the Japanese were prepared to fight on to the bitter end, even after Germany was defeated.

Mr. Pearson next informs of the greeting received by newly appointed Senator Milton Young of North Dakota from his Senate Republican colleagues. Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon, a freshman, told Senator Young that he had on several occasions already voted against his Republican colleagues, despite their concern as to his party loyalty.

Senator Morse would eventually switch to the Democratic Party.

The column then clarifies further the incident involving the shun by General MacArthur of General Norman Kirk, Surgeon General of the Army, when the latter offered to come to Manila from Leyte to inspect the medical facilities and bring along his staff of medical experts for the purpose. One reason offered by friends of General MacArthur was that no suitable housing was available, another, that the fighting was too hot in Manila at the time. But the telegram exchange between the generals appeared to belie those excuses, as General MacArthur had adamantly refused the assistance of General Kirk. When General Kirk asked him directly to state whether his assistance was welcome, General MacArthur had replied simply, "No, repeat, no." General Kirk departed Leyte, in consequence, boiling mad.

Samuel Grafton again addresses the criticism of the Bretton Woods proposal to establish a World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The newest criticism had been voiced by the New York Times, the Herald Tribune, and some members of the American Bankers Association, to the effect that the reason to defeat the plan was that America and Britain could not agree as to its meaning.

Mr. Grafton asserts that there was no real disagreement, however, America lauding the fund for its providing stability to world currencies, the British finding in it benefit for its flexibility, enabling member nations to fluctuate the value of their currency by as much as ten percent, or even more, should they consent to lose certain privileges under the agreement. The British Exchequer favored lowering of the pound after the war to enable export of British goods, believed to be the saving grace of the British economy post-war.

Thus, the two nations agreed to submit to the terms of the proposal, even if their individual needs as nations differed. No agreement would be perfect. This plan would at least enable the nations to meet before any wild fluctuations in currencies could take place through manipulation. The plan could fail but that was no reason not to try via its machinery to prevent such machinations which had brought on the worldwide depressions of the twenties and early thirties, in turn giving rise to Fascism and Nazism in Europe.

Marquis Childs continues his impressions of General Eisenhower, following a visit to Supreme Allied Headquarters. He reports that the General, by nature friendly, had cut himself off from all social life to concentrate single-mindedly on the war. He did not even attend military banquets or mingle with the French aristocrats who were wont to court the high-ranking American officers.

The General adopted an air of easy affability when greeting visitors, projected integrity. But when some group needed dressing down, as when he greeted a labor union delegation during the Normandy campaign, wishing to discuss reconversion, he was not hesitant to impart his strictest directions, in that case, telling them in no uncertain terms that it was premature to discuss reconversion, that they must remain on the job until the war was finished.

General Eisenhower maintained an open policy with respect to press censorship but nevertheless bristled under criticism, as with that leveled at Allied policy toward the civilians of Sicily in 1943 and the Darlan deal of November, 1942, when Admiral Darlan was placed in charge of North African French forces in exchange for his cooperation in obtaining surrender of the Algerian French forces at the point of invasion. General Eisenhower felt that in both cases the press criticism was unfair, but had never sought to interfere with the press dispatches.

Among his preoccupations were concerns both for the ordinary fighting man and for relationships with the Allies.

The responsibility of decision-making weighed heavily on General Eisenhower. "That responsibility is reflected in his deeply shadowed eyes, which look out at the vast panorama of the war he directs."

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