The Charlotte News

Thursday, November 8, 1945

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the UAW had filed a charge with the NLRB of violation of the Wagner Act by General Motors for its alleged refusal to participate in collective bargaining. Vice-president of the union Walter Reuther stated that the burden was shifted to the manufacturer to show that a demanded wage hike could not be provided without a wage increase, and G.M. had failed to provide any such evidence in the face of the UAW demand for a 30 percent wage hike, to keep pace with wartime wages based on a 48-hour work week, including overtime pay.

In Washington, the Labor-Management Conference had hit a snag when U.S. Steel refused to accept President Truman's wage-price policy, rejecting the proposal that the company accept the United Steel Workers' demand for a thirty percent wage hike and keep prices stable for six months. The company president asserted that U.S. Steel would demand an immediate price increase to go along with any wage increase. The company refused to engage in further talks until the Government responded to the demand for price increases.

Meanwhile, the 30-hour strike by Capital Transit Co., responsible for buses and street cars in the nation's capital, ended, enabling commuters to resume their normal modes of transportation.

The House Small Business Administration Committee heard testimony from the president of the National Automobile Dealers Association, telling the members that the proposal of OPA to cut in half the allowed dealer discount provided by manufacturers, at the time set at 24 percent, had not been studied for its impact on dealers. He asserted that, after dealer overhead, the dealer only turned a one or two percent profit. The committee determined that OPA should withhold any directives anent the matter until the hearings were complete.

General Chou En-Lai sent a letter on behalf of the Chinese Communists to Lt. General Albert Wedemeyer, American commander of forces in China, demanding an apology and reparations for U.S. interference in the conflict with Government troops. The letter demanded that all Government troops be withdrawn from Communist-occupied areas, and contended that the Government had amassed 90 divisions in the North, with offensive action in mind. Chou charged that Chiang Kai-Shek was being two-faced, plotting to exterminate the Red Chinese while holding peace parleys with Mao Tse Tung.

The Russians had just completed their withdrawal from Hulutao and Yingkow, leaving the Manchurian ports in the sole possession of the Chinese Communists.

In Java, British Major General E. C. Mansergh delivered an ultimatum to the Indonesian Nationalist Governor of East Java, stating that the British intended to enter Soerabaja and restore order to East Java by disarming the mobs.

In Bucharest, Soviet-backed troops fired into a crowd of persons demonstrating their support for King Mihal, killing six. The Soviet-sponsored Government and the King had been at loggerheads for months, the King refusing to sign edicts issued by the Premier, Petru Groza. The Soviet-backed Groza Government did not have the recognition of the United States and Great Britain.

The Senate Military Committee in Washington made public a transcript ascribed to General MacArthur from December 3, 1944 at Leyte in the Philippines, stating his belief that the heads of the military branches ought be included in Cabinet meetings as ex officio officers. The General stated that the Founders had made a grievous error in deciding to maintain the military as a separate entity from the Government, subject to civilian direction.

Senator Ed Johnson of Colorado, acting chair of the committee, stated his complete disagreement with General MacArthur on the point and assured that the Founders had been wise in their assessment. Likewise, Senator Warren Austin of Vermont, the ranking Republican on the committee, expressed his disagreement with the position.

Secretary of War Robert Patterson told the House Military Committee that it was of utmost importance to have the one-year mandatory training program for young men over 18 out of high school, to insure into the future a well-trained conventional Army which could be deployed to meet U.N. obligations to preserve the peace without having to use the force of the atomic bomb. The public, he asserted, had misplaced its reliance on the atomic bomb as a peace-keeping device.

The Congress had invited Prime Minister Clement Attlee to address a joint session the following week. The Prime Minister would arrive in the United States on Saturday to discuss atomic energy policy with President Truman.

The 28th installment in the series of articles by General Jonathan Wainwright continues the story of the miserable time the men and officers had spent at Tarlac prison, being told on August 7, 1942 that they would soon be transferred from the camp to Japan or Formosa. The announcement depressed General Wainwright more than anything yet occurring since surrender three months earlier. He had made himself believe that General MacArthur would return to the Philippines and effect rescue of the men as soon as possible, had even whimsically pinned it to a date, by December 31, 1943. He knew that the transfer meant that the captivity would be prolonged indefinitely.

The Japanese initially instructed the men that they could take only those belongings which they could personally carry, and so the men prepared accordingly. Then, the instructions changed to permit them to carry whatever they wanted, as trucks would be provided.

On August 11, the men were marched to the railroad station, carrying more than they could stand for long, causing them hunch over. As the men marched, they suddenly became aware that someone, not among their number, was whistling the Star Spangled Banner. Eventually, they realized that it came from a Filipino boy, about ten or twelve years old, standing along the road. Hearing the tune gave the men a sense of renewed pride.

The train passed back through familiar territory to Manila. At Dae, General Wainwright spotted General Edward P. King and a Filipino boy who had worked for them with his father at Stotsenburg, near Clark Field.

In San Francisco, Mrs. Beer called the police to report that a three-year old boy, resembling a missing lad, had suddenly shown up at her door looking tired and haggard. She took him in and called the police immediately, but, she contended, before police arrived, two men, claiming to be plain clothes detectives, showed up at her door, forced their way in, struck her, grabbed the boy and took off.

Police discounted the woman's story, informing that she was partially blind and had provided conflicting accounts under questioning.

On the editorial page, "The Busman's Holiday" looks at the lack of wisdom shown by the union in Washington which had orchestrated the strike of the bus and street car employees just at the start of the Labor-Management Conference. The issue was a demand for a 30-cent per hour wage increase. The company had offered seven cents. Before negotiations could be completed, the union declared the strike. Had they remained on the job, they could have won sympathy, as most in Washington would concur that top pay of 95 cents an hour was inadequate. As it was, they had violated their contract and likely would receive no sympathy, despite having returned to the job.

"Out of the Wastebasket" comments on the testimony of OPA head Chester Bowles to Congress that wage hikes to accommodate a 65-cent minimum hourly wage would not necessarily result in price hikes. By serving as a stimulus to production, it could even lower prices. He said that only about 2.5 million workers would be impacted by such a minimum wage.

He cited two examples from industry: tobacco, where 58 percent of the workers earned less than 65 cents per hour, costing the industry 14 million dollars per year to implement such a minimum wage, while adding only one-tenth of a cent to the cost of production of a pack of cigarettes in an industry which had grossed 154 million in 1944; in lumber, 54 percent of the workers earned less than 65 cents, costing the industry 67 million dollars, and while costing 43 percent of 1944 profits, the profits had increased by 640 percent over pre-war levels, allowing still for a ten percent annual return on net worth.

The editorial finds compelling the argument of Mr. Bowles that wage increases could be afforded without price increases, setting aside whether the statistics he had cited were entirely accurate.

"Waiting for the Experts" discusses the snarled traffic situation in Charlotte, being studied by the City Council.

A piece from the Winston-Salem Journal, titled "Where Our Equality Lags", addresses the inequality of facilities between black and white schools in the state. It points out that schoolhouses were the property of the cities and counties, not the State. So, while the State had made progress in equalizing teacher pay, it had not been able to achieve equal physical plants, with the average value of white schools being six times that of black schools. There had been little modernization in the previous thirty years in the black rural schools, while in the cities, blacks enjoyed better facilities, true in Winston-Salem which led the state in value of black school property.

Overall, since 1900, the value of school property had increased by 129 million dollars; black school property had increased by eight times while white schools had increased by 83 times.

The editorial confidently predicts that the State would find a way to make progress in the black rural districts and would eventually bring about parity in the physical plants.

Drew Pearson uses his entire column for snippets, none of which standing alone is very interesting, starting with the rumor that Josef Stalin had suffered a severe heart attack. We leave it to you to ferret out anything of great moment. We are too lazy today.

Marquis Childs addresses the continuing struggle over wage and price increases, even as the Labor-Management Conference was underway in Washington. Labor still contended that industry was seeking to postpone production until after January 1 to avoid the excess profits tax, and that industry was trying to compel OPA to allow price hikes.

As to the latter, Ford had requested a 60 percent increase in prices. OPA reported difficulty in obtaining data from the large manufacturers to support their contentions.

Bernard Baruch had warned in a letter to Congressman Albert Gore of Tennessee that with so much excess money around in the hands of consumers, with pent-up demand during the war, there was the substantial danger of inflation should price controls be lifted. He had likewise opposed tax cuts since the Government needed the revenue to pay for the huge debt run up by the war.

Mr. Childs asserts that while the conference might provide some stability, it remained unlikely that it could resolve the wage-price dispute.

A letter writer takes issue with a column by Dr. Herbert Spaugh appearing in the newspaper on October 31, in which the Reverend had asserted that the country had taken the doctrine of separation of Church and State too far. The letter writer finds the problem to have been that the Church had not developed enough liberal-minded men.

He quotes another local churchman, Dr. James A. Jones, as having admitted that the large gifts to the Church from the wealthy had likely influenced Church doctrine toward labor matters. It meant that the wealthy parishioner could escape condemnation for greed and creation of human misery.

Dr. Spaugh advocated that the Church enter the political realm. The writer finds this idea repulsive, that it would only mean the Church would align itself against liquor, Sunday movies, cussing, and gambling.

He concludes by quoting Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam of the Methodist Church, that the Protestant Church must insist upon the complete separation of Church and State.

To avoid confusion, it should be noted that this controversy surrounded disestablishmentarianism, not the legal issue of the Constitution, the prohibition of a State Church, as in England, and thus any semblance of state-sponsored religion, hence no required prayer in public schools or teaching of religious doctrine in public schools. There is nothing unconstitutional in a church participating in political activity. Indeed, it would be restriction on free speech for the Government to try to restrict the political activity of a church. It is often a source of misunderstanding. Granting tax-exempt status, however, for political organizations seeking to masquerade as churches, is another issue, not a Constitutional issue, but one of statutory interpretation.

Another letter writer, from Cleveland, notes the housing shortage in Charlotte, frustrating to those from out of state wishing to move to the city. The writer, planning to establish a business in Charlotte, had been looking for a place to live without success since August. He lived in the best section of Cleveland and could sell his house for no more than $5,000 short of what it would cost to purchase a similar house in Charlotte. He attributes the difference to price-gouging.

A third letter writer addresses the same article by Dr. Spaugh as the first letter writer, but stressing the fact that the Church in Germany had stood by largely in silence, according to Pastor Martin Niemoeller, while the Nazis had their way. The reason was that the Church believed it was not its place to become involved in politics.

The author thinks that therefore it was incumbent upon the citizenry to demand that the teachings of the Bible be incorporated as the foundation for not only churches, but schools and government as well.

A fourth letter writer addresses a letter to the owner of the house who was evicting the family with two children, as reported earlier in the week on the front page, because he wanted to live in the house, and had refused to install the heating stove until the family left, leaving them without heat. The letter writer asks a series of questions designed to probe the landlord's conscience.

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