The Charlotte News
Friday, October 19, 1945
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Nuremberg trials had been scheduled to start on November 20.
It was reported that former Reich economics minister Walther Funk broke down crying when he received his indictment. He asked for immediate counsel.
Julius Streicher appeared to struggle with language, saying, when handed a list of lawyers including Jewish names, that it was a list for "somebody who is anti-Semitic?" He also stated that in Germany, a defendant had the right to reject a judge who was "impartial" and wondered if America had a similar rule.
No, in America, Herr Streicher, all judges are "impartial".
In Argentina, the Army had issued permission to Juan Peron to run for the presidency on April 7, as long as the Government remained impartial in the elections. Peron had been returned to power two days earlier as his Peronistas struck across the country in celebration, bringing most commerce to a halt.
In Caracas, Venezuela, the United States Embassy was fired upon the previous night as revolution spread through the country, pitting rebel, military, and Government forces against one another. The rebels took control of the President's residence at Miraflores and the nearby military academy.
General Hap Arnold, chief of the Army Air Forces, told the Senate Military Affairs Committee that V-2 rockets existed which could travel 3,000 miles, with more accuracy than those used by Germany during the war, and that the only defense to them was an alert and powerful air force. He advocated combining the Army and Navy under a Department of Defense.
While the contention would ultimately come true, it was not correct in 1945, except as speculative plans. The O.S.S. had begun recruiting, under Operation Paperclip, German rocket scientists and technicians, during the summer of 1945, the limitation ordered by President Truman being that no Nazis be included in the recruitment.
Following V-E Day, the British were permitted by the Soviets in their occupation zone to launch, from Cuxhaven, eight rockets assembled from parts cobbled together from Peenemunde and throughout Germany, the flights taking place from October 2 through 17, 1945. The longest of the flights was but 155 miles. The others ranged from 50 to 140 miles, with two ending in failure on launch.
On October 19, 1962, the Kennedy Administration entered the fourth day of the Cuban Missile Crisis, as summarized five years ago in conjunction with The News of October 19, 1937.
In the eleventh in the series of articles on the fall of Bataan and Corregidor in April and May, 1942, General Jonathan Wainwright tells again of his farewell to General MacArthur on March 10, the General, under strict orders from FDR, departing the next evening from Corregidor for Australia where he would set up his new command post. On March 12, General Wainwright assumed command of all forces on Luzon, about 70,000 men, not all combat troops. By contrast, General Homma at the time, with new landings at Lingayen Gulf, had about a quarter of a million Japanese troops under his command.
The American Navy under General Wainwright consisted of two or three small minesweepers, some miscellaneous craft, and four PT-boats under the command of Lt. John Bulkeley, the PT-boats which transported General MacArthur to the point of departure by plane.
His air force was comprised of one P-40, in bad condition. Just prior to that time, they had managed to get three more P-40's flying. But after a successful raid on Japanese ships at Subic Bay, the three cracked up on landing. The Japanese radio had reported, risibly, that the attack had been conducted by 27 B-17's, fourteen of which had been shot down.
General Wainwright moved his headquarters south to Mariveles. Supplies became a major problem but General MacArthur had left supplies under the command of Brig. General Lewis Beebe on Corregidor, to the frustration of General Wainwright. On March 15, he visited the Rock to try to acquire increased supplies but was told by General Beebe that it was not practicable. The result was that rations, already cut to the bone, had to be cut by another third for the men to last until April 10, the date on which the last of the scrawny horses of the 26th Cavalry had been shot.
Meanwhile, on the night of March 20-21, word came from General Beebe that General Wainwright had been promoted to lieutenant general.
A woman in Pontiac, Michigan, was killed on "lover's lane" with a knife through the heart and a hatchet and small axe. Police were looking for two unidentified witnesses to the crime.
A 21-year old employee of a bag factory in Savannah, Georgia confessed to butchering his companion, a 17-year old boy, and burying his dismembered body parts around the city in different locations. The two had reportedly quarreled after visiting a roadhouse.
In Upper Marlboro, Md., the Sheriff of Prince Georges County lashed a stripped man ten times with a whip for having beaten his wife and knocking out two of her teeth. A witness, saying that the whipping was not as hard as those administered by his father to him, added that the Sheriff "did it very nice." No skin was broken though large welts were raised on the defendant's buttocks. He was then allowed to go free.
At the time, corporal punishment by whipping was allowed under an 1882 Maryland law. It was the first whipping ever administered legally in Prince Georges County.
In Billings, Montana, a quarantine imposed October 8 from an outbreak of 54 cases of polio, was being gradually relaxed after eight deaths. Churches and theaters would be reopened on Sunday and the most likely carriers of the then deadly disease, children under 18, would be allowed to venture forth again from their homes.
Whether it was part of this outbreak
On the editorial page, "Occupational Disease" suggests that the picture of G.I.'s of the occupation forces hanging around with geisha girls in Japans was a more frightening prospect than their counterparts in Germany spending time with plump frauleins. It suggests the perception was the result of physical racial characteristics of the Japanese, the "slant eyes".
Yet, it was characteristic, it says, of the G.I. to domesticate
The initial policy imposed by General Eisenhower of non-fraternization in Germany had to be abandoned as impracticable, as prohibition only made matters worse under the rose.
It suggests that the problem had been succinctly stated by the Australian soldier who wrote to his girlfriend early in the war: "These Australian girls haven't got anything you haven't got, but they've got it here."
"With a Sigh" comments on General Marshall's statement that one of the primary reasons for unification of the services would be to afford a world-wide military espionage system to replace the "coffee cup intelligence" acquired over diplomatic dinners by military attaches prior to the war.
The piece finds the General's recommendations sound, as with his advice counseling universal military service and thus a peacetime draft, to be prepared for war in time of peace, or, as the piece indicates, the "truce".
The time when Congress discouraged a spy network around the world, it says, ought be recalled with a sigh, that it came out of a different era when international brotherhood was recognized as a central precept and spying as violative of it.
"Now, most of us, like General Marshall, don't believe it at all."
The concept, of course, led to the birth of the Central Intelligence Agency in 1947, out of the O.S.S., led initially by General William Donovan, head of O.S.S. during the war. As we know, the creeping increase in powers of the C.I.A. led to enormous abuse under cloak of secrecy, inevitably afforded to it by its very nature, such that, after a time, with its domestic spying program in place during the 1960's, focused on the Civil Rights movement and the Anti-War movement, it became essentially a secret government within the framework of the Government such that responsible members of the Government, even sometimes the President, had no idea what it was doing, leading on, as human nature stocked with too much power and blank-check authorization cloaked with near impunity will most usually transact business, to numerous untoward events.
Whether that included, finally, within some dark corners of the Agency, the orchestration of the assassination of the President of the United States remains obfuscated, not so much by "secrecy", as if someone in authority knows or knew the "truth", but rather in such a state of confusion by the practices of deception that few, if any, except the actual participants in the crime, had the "truth". The rest resides in the realm of informed intuition. But then, with murder, is it not nearly always the case?
In any event, the Congress passed legislation in the wake of the House investigation of 1977-79 into those abuses, to prevent domestic spying and to limit the power of the C.I.A.
Did the Patriot Act of 2002 effectively undo much of that legislation on the convenient premise of the September 11, 2001 attacks? The jury is still out on that one. But, it is plain that Republican Administrations tend to favor the carte blanche role for the C.I.A. and like intelligence agencies now in our Government more than generally do Democratic Administrations. It appears the nature of the beast, despite the vaunted rhetoric often heard from some Republicans anent libertarian values, usually devolving to the fool's notion of freedom to own a gun while also quite without freedom to express one's self very freely without a gun.
"Excelsior" discusses the apparent confusion of the public with regard to DDT, the pesticide developed and used in the jungles during the war. It was believed that the pesticide would starve to death fish and fowl by killing insects.
It comments that the cockroach snickered at DDT, remained impervious to its harmful effects, and so, too, in all likelihood, it had believed, would the common house fly. So what good was it?
But, it had come to the editors' attention that DDT did kill house flies, even those virile species in North Carolina, according to an experiment conducted in Wake County by the State Board of Health. The poison continued to kill, with eighty percent effectiveness, even eleven days after application.
It asserted that one day, undoubtedly, science would develop a method of dispatching the cockroach with equal terror.
"And if man can turn back the insect hordes, surely he can handle the atom."
It was, of course, predictive, entomologically speaking, that is, of that which had not been, at least in recorded time, but was to come
"Kiss of Death" discusses the simplistic premises adopted by the Chicago Tribune of Col. Robert McCormick: isolationism except in cases of imperialistic motives as with the Spanish-American War; opposition to liberalism as foreign in origin.
So, Col. McCormick could conclude that the United States had paid the British "for keeping the war going until Mr. Roosevelt could manage to get us into it."
General MacArthur, concluded the Tribune, was the only statesman on the scene, which was why "every brutal fool" around the globe was seeking to destroy him and his influence.
The piece expresses sorrow that General MacArthur had come to be associated with the negative influence of the Tribune on the country, for it would mean inevitably that General MacArthur would suffer some of the same criticism aimed at the Tribune.
"Proper Name" comments on finding out from the war crimes indictments the middle names of Dr. Hjalmar Schact, the Nazi Economics Minister and president of the Reichsbank, as "Horace Greeley", that it was appropriate as he was now scheduled to go west.
We noticed it ourselves but found no pun to be had. We suggest that the column might as well have left the space to the usual fillers of the same breed. Had Mr. Greeley advised instead as his chef d'oeuvre, "Go South, Young Man", it might have worked.
The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Representative John Rankin of Mississippi rising to pay tribute to the D.A.R., then pointing out that anti-Zionist Jews who did not want a homeland in Palestine were also anti-Communist. He suggested that, without waving a red flag at Britain and stirring up a war with the Arabs, the Jews could find a homeland east of the Urals in the Soviet Union, where they would be at home, as every Communist among them, he says, came from Russia.
He then returns to the D.A.R., calls Communistic the attacks on it for its recent refusal of the use of Constitution Hall for a performance by pianist Hazel Scott
Representative Emanuel Celler of New York found it unfortunate that Mr. Rankin would consider it waving a red flag at Britain by merely discussing the hapless plight of the Jews in Europe, seeking entrance to Palestine as a refuge. "It is the gentleman's habitual process of red smearing and witch hunting."
Moreover, the D.A.R. had nothing to do with Palestine and so to inject the topic into an hour reserved for discussion of Palestine was inappropriate. Mr. Celler states that he deplored the D.A.R. action in repeating the behavior exhibited toward Marian Anderson
"Surely it cannot be said that only white people can play as beautifully as Miss Hazel Scott or sing as gloriously as Miss Anderson."
He points out that the certificate of incorporation of the D.A.R., approved by the Congress, had provided that there would be equality for all. To deny use of the hall to persons for color of their skin was to deny that principle. He intended therefore to offer a resolution to dissolve the certificate of incorporation, effectively to dissolve the D.A.R.
We feel compelled to comment, after last night watching the river flow out on desolation row, echoing through the thin men and the ladies, somewhere in Greece, that the statement quoted from Mr. Celler finds new meaning to our ears. As we have made abundantly clear, we have for many decades enjoyed and found strength from the many fine works of the artist whose live performance we were watching, including the manner in which he performed them, usually supplying the primus inter pares version of his songs even when those songs were performed by the most lilting and imaginative of voices. But—
Man, give that voice a rest for a month or two. All we could hear from where we were standing was bellowing through a loudspeaker, akin to a dying frog. Hardly worth a hundred dollars.
And they wouldn't use a spotlight, presumably by direction, so we couldn't see him either. We couldn't even tell whether he was really onstage or behind the backdrop somewhere.
At least we got to see this artist in his fiftieth year since his recording career began, and made it the fourth time, the first three being, by happenstance, as we have previously indicated, 12 and a half years apart, this one then coming 13 years and eight months after the last one, that one in Cleveland, this one in Greece. That means that we shall check in again, we suppose, sometime around 2025. We hope that his voice has rested up by then.
The young people in the audience, however, seemed to think it okay. They didn't seem to know any better, probably find the sound of rasping sandpaper in harmony with their ears also.
But we could not tell for the most part whether they were alive or dead, the movement and apparent mental activity of most of the audience being limited during the performance to checking of their cell phones, the lights of which now seem to have replaced the matches which were lit in the first performance we witnessed of this artist back in January, 1974 in Greensboro. Maybe that is the result of high ticket prices these days for concerts, limiting the audience, for the most part, to those who go just to go. Which may explain the lackluster performance also.
Then, during the encore song, the only one, the one about the Wind, as we stopped on the way out to listen, still unable to see, there was the guy who tapped us on the arm from behind within the standing area, apparently reserved for the V.I.P. standers, and said that he couldn't see because we were standing now in front of his reserved standing spot, from which he could not budge apparently even a foot or so, so that he could obtain the view path from which neither he could see either, and even after we moved over three feet to accommodate, tapping again, all during the middle of the song about the Wind, and asked us again to move, which we almost did not do, but, in deference to the song and the immaturity of the arm-tapper, we did for His Highness, the Alpha Male of Greece, perhaps the incarnation of Diogenes, recognizing us instanter.
We recommend a return for awhile to smaller venues, as with the White House performance, lower ticket prices, and thus a more appreciative audience and better performance in consequence.
Maybe some salt-sea air would help. Just a suggestion.
Be it resolved that in 2025, we shall not pay a hundred dollars, unless maybe it is to see Elvis live and in person.
On second thought, perhaps we do not want to do that so soon.
Incidentally, we cannot comment on the new album as we have not yet had the opportunity to purchase it and listen to it. We had to save our shekels for the concert. We hope the singing is better, though, like the melodious times, in the olden days
The opening band was pretty good, by the way, not in such dire straits, as we could hear them plainly and could see them, with the spotlights and stage lights fully lit. Maybe everything was broken by the time of the second act.
One thing though: we realized as we were going in that we had forgotten to bring along our copy of The New York Times. But we did think about it. In fact, right in the middle of the one about the Highway, we thought of the solution to why it is that the 50th anniversary tracks the same days of the week as what might have been the Hard Rain. It is because the 13 intervening leap year days added to the 50 advancing days of the half century equate to 63 days, a number divisible by 7. Just tell them Mercury of the winged slippers told you. That's who told us.
Drew Pearson discusses the G.I. resentment to the successful efforts of Senators Richard Russell and Walter George of Georgia to obtain from Secretary of War Robert Patterson the release from the Army of Sgt. Charley Trippi, possessed of only 41 discharge points, that he might return to play football for the University of Georgia. His entire service had been stateside. He also was a reasonably proficient typist and the need for clerical help in the Army had clogged the discharges, as many had to stay on with more than the requisite 70 points for discharge to accelerate the discharge process. Discharge had been especially slow from Drew Field, where Sgt. Trippi had been stationed.
By the same token, Secretary Patterson had been upset that soldiers, such as Sgt. Trippi, were being retained stateside in service just so that they might play football for Army teams. The Navy was equally guilty of the practice.
He next reports that the Truman home in Independence, owned by the President's mother-in-law, Mrs. D. W. Wallace, would be guarded through the winter by four members of the Secret Service, despite the fact that it would remain empty. The Secret Service personnel who had guarded the "Summer White House" during the warmer months thanked the Trumans for their hospitality but described Missouri as the "State of Misery"
Mr. Pearson next discusses the pending Atom Control Bill, initially shrouded in secrecy, now made public. It provided for a nine-man committee comprised of dollar-per-year men from big business, a practice against which President Truman had actively railed while in the Senate. It was being reported that the President had let the Army send the bill to Congress without studying it. If passed, the prospect existed for such companies as DuPont and Union Carbide to control the future of atomic power. If properly developed, atomic energy might replace electricity, gasoline, and coal, areas in which big business had huge investments.
Among his "Capital Chaff", he reports that Henry Morgenthau, former Secretary of the Treasury, had published his book, Germany Is Our Problem, which President Truman had refused to clear while Mr. Morgenthau was still in the Cabinet for its political dynamite.
Mr. Pearson congratulates Army General Arthur Esterbrook of Santa Ana, California, for allowing the men under his command to air their grievances. He does not mention that it was also within General Esterbrook's command that some 40 former prisoners of war were recently found consigned to K.P. duty before discovery and apology.
Atomic scientists had adopted two slogans: "Victory in the Second World War is our last victory", and "World War Two is either the last war or the next to last—After that the lights of the world will go out".
He reports also that the President for the first time was losing support among Democrats, wanting more stress by the Administration on foreign affairs and labor relations.
Marquis Childs discusses the search for a remedy to the collective bargaining situation, the Ball-Burton-Hatch bill, requiring compulsory arbitration of labor disputes, being the most drastic of the proposals. It was not likely to pass in its then present form, as it would remove freedom from both labor and management to engage in arms-length bargaining. It was being opposed by both the U.S. Chamber of Commerce or the National Association of Manufacturers.
One Government official had proposed that the Secretary of Labor be provided authority to declare an emergency in relation to certain vital industries, such that labor and management would be ordered to refrain from either strike or lockout or changes in terms of employment until a special arbitration panel chosen by the Secretary could consider the matter.
He suggests that while these measures might sound drastic at present, they would, if public opinion continued to mount against the unions, come to be seen as mild within two or three years.
And, with Taft-Hartley passed over President Truman's veto in 1947, Mr. Childs's prediction proved quite correct.
A letter writer comments on a special feature by former Associate Editor Burke Davis on teacher salaries in North Carolina, the author, not a teacher, advocating higher pay for the educators of the children.
Another letter writer questioned why, if Bess Truman truly disagreed with the decision of the D.A.R. to deny the use of Constitution Hall for a concert by Hazel Scott
Samuel Grafton states that the country, by the perception of most Americans, had "bogged down into some sort of crisis since the war ended". It was being called by Washington reporters "the situation". But at least recognition of the situation was the first step on extrication from it.
There was disagreement on the definition of "the situation", one Washington columnist referring to it as "a feeling of relaxation" while another of the same publication defined it as "a particularly nervous state".
One of the ideas which the Administration had tested was that it could sit as an impartial observer of the labor-management squabbles, a kind of reversion to the laissez-faire characterizing the pre-Roosevelt years.
To break this indifference, President Truman had proposed the creation of special boards to oversee both wages and prices in the industries suffering strikes.
The Administration also had drifted back to an earlier day in foreign relations, reviving nationalism, as exampled by the quick end to Lend-Lease and gasoline rationing right after V-J Day. The result had been increasing tensions with the former Allies, the United Nations Organization being in danger of death aborning, causing the confusion among skilled observers in the press that the problem might either be too much tension or too much relaxation.
Many Americans, including former Supreme Court Justice Owen Roberts, had just met in New Hampshire to advocate the establishment of a world government.
"There are those who desperately want to let nature take its course, both at home and abroad; and they have had their hour; but now it begins to grow cold
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