Thursday, September 28, 1944

The Charlotte News

Thursday, September 28, 1944


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that some 200,000 Nazis were trapped inside Holland by Allied Armies.

More than a thousand American heavy bombers had struck at Magdeburg, Kassel, and Merseburg. The RAF the previous night had hit Kaiserslautern in the Saar and in the area near Kassel. Other Allied forces supported the Allied Armies in the Low Countries and along the Channel Coast.

Prime Minister Churchill told Commons that the war against Germany might not conclude until several months into 1945. He confirmed the entrapment of the estimated 200,000 Nazis in Holland. He provided the German losses since D-Day, 400,000 killed, 500,000 captured, against British casualties of 90,000 and American casualties of 143,000. Between the two and three million Allied troops presently in Europe, the Americans outnumbered the British 3 to 2. A quarter million troops had been landed on Normandy on D-Day.

He also announced that British submarines had sunk 32 Japanese ships in Far Eastern waters. He indicated that the British Fleet was in waters off Southeast Asia and that the remainder would follow when no longer needed in Europe.

Russian troops had crossed the Danube into Yugoslavia just west of the Iron Gate, at the Rumanian town of Orsova. The report from German broadcasts had not yet been confirmed by Moscow.

The Nazis were continuing to evacuate Riga in Latvia rather than risk being entrapped from the three-sided approach by the Russians.

Tass denied the reports that it had been firmly determined that Germany would be partitioned after the war.

Secretary of State Hull warned neutral nations, especially Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, and Spain, not to provide safe haven after the war to Hitler and his fellow Nazis lest they incur the permanent wrath of the United States and imperil diplomatic relations.

S/Sgt. Eugene Moran of Wisconsin was reported to have fallen the previous November 29 four miles over Germany into a tree inside the tail section of the bomber in which he had been riding, the tail section being shot off. And lived to tell the tale of the tail.

Another tail gunner, Sgt. James Raley of Kentucky, had fallen three and a half miles over Italy the previous April and lived for the same circumstance, falling into the cushioning of a tree.

Whether they cursed the air corps after landing, as did Private Joe Atello of the Bronx upon his regaining consciousness, reported the previous Saturday to have fallen 3,000 feet into a tree on Morotai, was not indicated.

On the editorial page, "Ball Afire" comments on the fast rise of Senator Ball of Minnesota, elected for the first time in 1942 after serving out his predecessor's term in 1940-41. He had been part of the Burton-Ball-Hatch-Hill quartet which in 1943 had been at the forefront of advocating an international cooperative body after the war. Although the B2H2 resolution was not passed, much of its language was incorporated into the Connally Resolution approving the creation of the United Nations organization.

He was as bitterly anti-isolationist as some of the bitter-enders continued to be the object of his scorn. He openly advocated the defeat of 11 isolationist Senators in November, eight of whom were Republicans, as was Senator Ball.

The piece applauds his obvious sincerity and integrity, finds him walking in the footsteps of Wendell Willkie.

"Low Estate" examines the criticism of North Carolina Commissioner of Agriculture W. Kerr Scott, future Governor and Senator and father of another Governor, Bob Scott, re the proposal of Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau that Germany be forced post-war into an agrarian mode of economic sustenance to eliminate the possibility of its industries again creating the machinery of war.

Commissioner Scott, more than per se the suggested conversion of Germany, was concerned about the general plight of the farmer everywhere and the low state of agriculture, causing the region, such as the South, dependent on agriculture for its living to be one consistently subservient to the regions dominated by manufacturing.

The piece wonders whether Mr. Scott, in so bemoaning the fate of the agrarian-based society, was not trying to campaign for the elimination of his own job.

"Quaint Man" finds Senator Edwin Johnson of Colorado to be without aspiration to go down in history as a Liberal, if the term be defined as one anxious to spend the taxpayers' money.

He had sponsored two Constitutional amendments, one to balance the budget, the other the line-item veto.

Sound familiar?

Senator Johnson believed that any President armed with the line-item veto would save the taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars.

The piece, while applauding the effort, expresses the belief that the two amendments he had sponsored were doomed to failure out of the gate.

"No Change" comments on the policy in South Carolina of allowing only straight-party voting, that voters had to request a Democratic ballot or Republican ballot. It allowed the open identification of Republicans at the voting booth, and the consequent social stigma attached to the affiliation acted as a negative sanction to admitting openly the tie by requesting a Republican ballot. The cause lay in the history of the state and its being under Democratic control since the end of Reconstruction days, enabling the Democrats to determine the mode of voting. One-party rule in a state tended to be self-perpetuating.

Yet, in North Carolina, also a one-party state, the electoral process was not so fettered by one-party constraints.

The controversy regarding the method of voting among soldiers had exposed many of the longstanding inadequacies of the electoral process. But in South Carolina, men in service constrained to single-party ballots by South Carolina's regulations were no worse off than those at home constrained likewise. North Carolina, through its Governor, by contrast, was able to brag with some credulity of having one of the fairest soldier-voting laws among the states.

Marquis Childs discusses the hue and cry which had gone up in response to the rumor that William Batt, vice-chair of the War Production Board, would be appointed to dispose of all American surplus property in Europe after the war. The objection to his appointment was based on his employment with SKF ball bearings in Philadelphia, a subsidiary of the parent company in Sweden which had funneled the necessary ball bearings to Germany to keep its planes flying after Allied bombers had destroyed Germany's ball bearings capital at Schweinfurt.

Mr. Childs thinks the criticism of Mr. Batt to be overblown as SKF in America had little or nothing to do with the Swedish parent company and could not influence its policy with respect to Germany.

Refuting the criticism, Mr. Batt had the requisite connections and experience for the job in Europe, one important to carry out efficiently if one of its goals should be to disintegrate the old German trade cartels.

Drew Pearson, as two days earlier, again discusses the past of John Foster Dulles, future secretary of state in a Dewey administration, actually so in the Eisenhower Administration, until his death in 1959.

He now stresses Mr. Dulles's earlier dealings with Germany's finances and war reparations debt during the late Twenties and early Thirties, seeking to protect those American investors who had purchased German long-term bonds which had been in the early Thirties in default.

This economic stance vis à vis Germany might have accounted, opines Mr. Pearson, for the statement in March, 1939 by Mr. Dulles that the "dynamic forces" of Japan, Germany, and Italy were taking control of their own destiny to attain "enlarged status" in a way not permitted them by liberal and peaceful government.

Of course, Mr. Dulles was simply saying euphemistically that it was quite alright for these three countries to undertake their imperialistic plans in the name of creating greater national wealth at the expense of the conquered and enslaved, whether in Czechoslovakia, Austria, Manchukuo, or Ethiopia, with many more such overtaken countries to come following March, 1939.

One of the clients of Mr. Dulles at Sullivan & Cromwell in New York had been the J. Henry Schroeder Banking Corp. of Germany, of which Mr. Dulles's brother Allen, future Director of the CIA, was a director. Mr. Schroeder had been the banker who had saved the Nazi Party and Hitler from probable extinction at the beginning of 1933 when the rise of Hitler to power appeared on the verge of still-birth. Herr Schroeder had infused money into the Nazi movement which kept it alive long enough to achieve dictatorial power. But Mr. Pearson indicates that Mr. Dulles may not have realized that his client's efforts were so directed.

The column pulls up short of wrapping Mr. Dulles up with the Nazis, offers him the escape that he was one of those many convinced that Germany, Italy, and Japan meant no harm to the United States, took the approach of Neville Chamberlain and the British Cliveden Set that it was important that Germany prosper, to which end he had sought to facilitate.

Mr. Pearson likely provides to Mr. Dulles too much deference, too much escape from his praise of the dictators, freely provided a mere five years before.

Barbara Wace reports from Brest on September 12, describing the action which had finally led to the surrender of the port city after a 45-day siege.

A self-described old timer writes a letter to the editor seeking to refute the callow Socratic irony set forth by Lewis Smith a couple of days earlier, by reminding that Roosevelt had campaigned in 1932 against the soaring national debt of 19 billion dollars while promising a balanced budget. Now the debt stood at 75 billion, not including the war debt. Thus, concludes the letter writer, Mr. Smith was not old enough to remember these earlier promises of the President.

Mr. Smith, himself, responds in a letter to some angry respondents to his letter who had failed to perceive the irony, apologizing for the misperception, satisfied at least to find out that there were so many Roosevelt supporters so strongly aligned with the prospect of a fourth term. Perhaps these letters had been printed on another page; they were not on the editorial page. Emily Litella may have been one of the angry respondents.

Mr. Plexico writes a letter to complain of some sensational charges leveled against him and his wife by their daughter-in-law suing for something, all of which had been publicized in The News in February. Recently, he says, the plaintiff had failed to appear in court and her suit was thus dismissed.

But, how do we know that the Plexicos didn't dump her in the ocean?

Another letter writer says that if Thomas Dewey were to be elected, he would move to Mexico—maybe with the Plexicos, after they stopped to get gas at Texaco.

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