In the first week of the winter offensive on the Western Front, fully 1,785 Americans had been killed and tens of thousands wounded.

It concludes by quoting, "No man is an iland..."

Within a week, with the beginning of the Battle of the Bulge, the unwanted prediction would begin to find its unwanted truth. In a period of 40 harsh winter days of fighting, fully 19,000 Americans would lose their lives. This number would account for nine percent of the combat-related American Army deaths for the entire war.

By war's end, according to official Government records, Mecklenburg had suffered 363 men killed while serving in the Army, 130 of whom were killed in non-battle related circumstances, training or other causes. The total was more than any other county in the state.

Neighboring Gaston County lost 254, of whom 69 were non-battle related. Guilford was second in the state with 355 men lost, 110 of whom were non-battle related. Forsyth was third, with 265 losses, 78 of whom were non-battle losses. Next was Buncombe, with 255, of whom 68 were non-battle related.

The State of North Carolina lost 7,109 men in the Army, 2,020 of whom were non-battle related deaths, 3.01 percent of the total North Carolinians who had entered the Army, about 236,000 men. Twenty were listed as missing.

The state's losses represented but 2.3 percent of the total killed or missing at war's end in the Army, 308,921, of whom 88,837 were non-combat related deaths. The state at the time contained 2.66 percent of the nation's 1940 population, had contributed 2.33 percent of those entering the Army. Thus, while appearing relatively small in numbers, the actual dead or missing represented about the same percentage as the percentage from the state who had entered the Army as well as the state's relative percentage of population of the nation.

Navy losses for the state were 1,384 men, but were not broken down by counties as with the Army.

Thus, North Carolina lost 8,493 men in all branches of service during the war.

In the Army, New York suffered the most losses, 31,215, of whom 8,213 were non-battle related deaths. The next twelve states in order were: Pennsylvania, 26,534 (6,412 N-B); Illinois, 18,601 (4,830 N-B); California, 17,022 (5,621 N-B); Ohio, 16,828 (4,296 N-B); Texas, 15,764 (4,935 N-B); Michigan, 12,885 (3,066 N-B); New Jersey, 10,372 (2,570 N-B); Massachusetts, 10,033 (2,667 N-B); Indiana, 8,131 (2,044 N-B); Missouri, 8,003 (2,126 N-B); North Carolina, 7,109 (2,020 N-B); and Wisconsin, 7,038 (1,849 N-B).

Total losses in the Navy were 67,042 dead or missing. California lost the most men, 6,782, followed by New York, 5,270, Pennsylvania, 4,163, Illinois, 3,750, Ohio, 3,163, Texas, 3,107, Massachusetts, 3,049, Michigan, 2,573, New Jersey, 2,193, and Missouri, 1,866. No other state lost more than 1,500 men. North Carolina ranked 15th in most Navy losses.

Total American dead and missing from the war would be therefore 375,948, of whom 256,669 died in combat, after subtraction of 30,442 non-combat Navy losses subsequently provided from the Government.

Air losses are subsumed under each separate branch of service, Army or Navy, and were not provided separately. Marine and Coast Guard losses are subsumed under the Navy losses.

He had defended British action in Greece and Belgium with the notion that it boiled down to questions of who the friends of democracy were and how the concept of democracy was to be interpreted. His conception was that the democrat fought for his country and voted when opportunity arose.

He was taunted by Labor for these comments as he did not explain how the people of Belgium or Greece or Italy would presently be able to vote for their chosen government.

One Laborite brought up the issue of Spain and the Prime Minister's ostensible support of Franco. Mr. Churchill denied that support and denounced anyone who claimed democracy could be accomplished in the form of mob rule. He suggested that Britain was being taunted by Americans merely for its having the thankless job of maintaining order in these countries.

The editorial concludes that, no matter where one stood on these issues, it had to be admitted that Winnie remained a worthy advocate for his country's cause.

Moreover, eyebrows in Congress had been raised by wonder at how, with the newsprint shortage, the Government could afford to subsidize an anti-De Gaulle propaganda organ.

The trend in opinion was toward obtaining from Britain promises of restraint in its policies toward Greece, Italy, Ethiopia, and Belgium before the U.S. would provide its imprimatur to the re-sale of Lend-Lease goods in the international market. This quid pro quo made sense for the fact that American Lend-Lease arms and munitions were being used in these countries to maintain order, thus subjecting the U.S. to criticism for the British policy.

A bill before the House had a provision in it to increase salaries for Congressional clerks from $6,500 to $9,500 annually, and would raise the cap on an individual salary from $3,900 to $5,000. Pay was too low for both staff and members of Congress as it was, says Mr. Pearson, the members each receiving $10,000 annually. But no one dared broach the issue of a raise for the legislators.

Raising the clerks' salaries would mean an increase in both nepotistic appointments of family members to such posts, often the practice as it was, and the likelihood of kickbacks from clerical salaries to the Congressman, also a frequent practice to provide supplements to the member's salary.

The oil cooperative agreement between Britain and the United States had been defeated in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee chaired by Texas Senator Tom Connally on the premise that the agreement was unfair to the American oil industry.

A similar justification might be used to defeat the air cooperative agreement, that it was unfair to the air industry. How far the agreement would go in realizing post-war cooperation in international air routes would depend on what action was taken to implement it in the future.

The guerrilla forces at work in Europe for years were both ideological and revolutionary and had to be received sympathetically to aid in defeating the Fascists at work in those countries. These guerrillas would no more accept Allied-backed quislings than they would Nazi-backed quislings.

One breath of fresh air, she offers, was in the new approach of Edward Stettinius, having sent forth his note during the week stating that the United States wanted the people of each nation in Europe to select their own government without outside interference.

She then turns her stress to the Greek situation, recapping the country's recent history, finding the position of the British-backed Papandreou Government, put in place by the King, to be one not effecting the proper compromise necessary to have the leftists in the EAM at once satisfied along with the monarchists. While he had brought the EAM into his Government, he did not create an administration which its representatives could endorse and consequently they had resigned his Cabinet. He maintained the same security and police personnel who had backed the Fascist Metaxas regime before the war and then the Nazi-occupation Government after it. These forces were being used against the EAM and to prevent a purge of Nazi collaborators. Even the aging Themistoklis Sophoulis, who had been a friend to Britain, was now rejected by the Government.

The great problem in Greece, asserts Ms. Thompson, was not in British policy, but in the policy of the Papandreou Government.