Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that, with no response having come from the Badoglio Government in Rome during a 48-hour period since General Eisenhower had made tenders of an “honorable peace”, albeit one of unconditional surrender, it was announced that full-scale Allied bombing of Italy would immediately resume.

The announcement also placed in advance the blame for Italian deaths from the resumption of bombing squarely at the doorstep of the Badoglio Government.

Italians were warned by the Allies to avoid railway stations, German barracks, and other military objectives.

German civilians living in Italy were advised to return to Germany immediately.

On Sicily, the American Seventh Army continued to push eastward toward Messina, taking, along with the help of the Canadians, Mistretta, 55 miles east of Palermo along the coast and 68 miles from Messina. The tactics being employed to gain ground were the same used in Tunisia, a barrage of fire being laid down for 400 yards downfield while the infantry proceeded to move forward within 100 yards of the fire line.

With the aid of the Americans and Canadians, the British Eighth Army was now said to be on the move again at Catania after being stalled for over a fortnight.

The RAF struck at Remscheid for the first time during the war. The city was a German steel center in the Ruhr Valley which manufactured machine and precision tools.

Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox announced that a great drive would soon be commenced in the Pacific and that the concept of island-hopping per se had been abandoned in favor of long-range pursuits.

On New Georgia, the American troops used flamethrowers for the first time against the Japanese holding the airstrip at Munda. The way was thus being paved for some further advance, though the exact amount was not announced, the last position having been 2,100 yards from the objective.

And, to settle the ongoing conflict of power between General Giraud and General De Gaulle, General Giraud was appointed commander-in-chief of all French armed forces while General De Gaulle was named president of the Committee of National Defense.

Just what the precise distinction was between their respective authority was not described.

On the editorial page, "Fog of War" examines the President's speech on Wednesday night and wonders where the Allies would head next after the situation in Italy was resolved--likely, it predicts, within three to four weeks. France? The Balkans? China? Burma? All were possibilities. The Balkans, however, presented the best prospect for immediate aid to Russia. The piece finds the prospects daunting and puzzling.

Perhaps, it was time for a bit of falconry.

"The Payoff" challenges the appropriateness of insuring that war workers maintain their wages after the war. But what about the white collar workers and ordinary industrial workers, not earning three to four times the normal wage in war industries, as with the war workers? The prospect of insuring continued sustenance of high wages promised inequitable treatment, growls the piece. The war workers, it concludes, ought to have to look after their own interests after the war.

"Not So Fast" queries whether the end of rationing on coffee might have an adverse effect on the war, might lead the citizenry to regard the war as nearly won, causing a let-down on the job.

Probably not. Whatever lackadaisy might have been engendered by the coffee relaxation would likely have been tautened up again by the renewed caffeine sensation.

Raymond Clapper provides a description of his flight from North Africa to Sicily aboard the same plane which took him to observe the bombing of Rome, a plane dubbed "Father Time". The plane, a transport carrying six Army jeeps to Sicily, flew low over the water, with a fighter escort providing a pervasive umbrella of cover above. No enemy aircraft ventured forth, the same clear skies which had prevailed, according to one fighter pilot, for the previous five days.

The pilot of the plane, from Greensboro, made an expert landing amid dangerous cross-winds, notes Mr. Clapper, and he and his entourage then set forth to find the story of the Sicily Campaign.

Samuel Grafton proposes that the Italians should be invited to the fight against the Germans. Their reputed hatred for the Germans made them ripe as a fighting force to assist Allies. The concept of sitting out the war as neutrals was repugnant to the notion of enabling the anti-Fascists of Italy to vent their spleen. The idea of neutrality was repugnant to establishing a new democracy after the fight was done and won.

Drew Pearson, among other things, looks at a statement made by then Ambassador to Mexico Josephus Daniels during a dinner in Washington in 1933. He had said in response to an entourage of New Yorkers, who had inquired what he thought thus far of the New Deal, that he disapproved of the program. Regarding the statement with approbation, that they, too, thought Roosevelt much too radical, the New Yorkers then became quite nonplussed when Mr. Daniels proceeded to correct their misapprehension of his meaning: he disapproved of the New Deal because he believed the President too conservative in his approach to rectifying the problems of the Depression. Mr. Daniels favored immediate trust-busting and elimination of all the monopolies.

Reminded of the statement recently, the former Ambassador, now back at his desk at The Raleigh News & Observer, had stated, reports Mr. Pearson, that he still felt the same way, that FDR was far too conservative.

Put that in your pipe and smoke it, Mr. or Ms. Neo-Conservative. Again, we stress, the country was founded on liberal, if not radical, principles, and calls insistently therefore, persistently, in basso continuo, for liberal, if not radical, leadership to sustain those founding principles.