The Charlotte News

Thursday, July 30, 1959

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Sverdlovsk in the Soviet Union that Vice-President Nixon had motored deep into the semi-secret Ural Mountain mining area this date and received cheers along every mile of the journey. Speaking to officials of a copper mine he visited during the forenoon, Mr. Nixon came out with a very strong indication that he favored either a quick meeting between the President and Premier Nikita Khrushchev or a quick agreement at the Geneva foreign ministers conference which would permit a summit conference. He said, "I do not pretend that personal contact would solve the basic problems of the world." He later added, "This trip of mine will be followed by others including contact between other leaders." The statements had come in the wake of reports that he was on the verge of recommending that the President invite Mr. Khrushchev to the U.S. for a visit. He had repeatedly remarked that a look was worth a hundred descriptions to the Soviet Premier. It was believed that Mr. Nixon referred to the hope that a way would be found for a summit conference, but the drift among Mr. Nixon's followers seem to be toward recommending a visit by Mr. Khrushchev at a suitable time. For the first time on his tour, Mr. Nixon had really gone into the Siberian mills and mines long enough to see what was transpiring, at least in part. His schedule in other spots had been so tight that frequently he had less than half an hour to see things. It was his penultimate day in the Siberian industrial complex of 600,000 persons and perhaps the one where he received the warmest welcome. People all through the territory had cheered him as they would cheer a governor motoring through pioneering country in the American Far West. It looked like pioneering country in the West, with log cabins made from the lush forests. He also disposed gently of the questions of hecklers, who had been yelling at him questions about the airbases in strategic places around the Soviet Union. He should have tried the tactic he would later try in Greensboro in 1972, and seek to divide the crowd between the "kind of people" who were heckling him and the "kind of people" who were cheering him on toward election day. After all, he carried 49 states in that election. That, incidentally, albeit by way of considerable manipulation of the electorate, emblematic of which had been the break-in and attempted bugging of the Democratic National Headquarters at the Watergate complex the prior June, was a true landslide—but what the hell good did it do him?

In Portland, Conn., it was reported that exploding chemicals had shaken two communities this date and lit up the predawn sky as flames destroyed a chemical distributing depot. Thirteen tanks of industrial chemicals had exploded in the blaze, which fire officials said apparently had begun accidentally. The biggest blast, which had knocked sleepers from their beds in the town and in Middletown across the Connecticut River, had come when a 13,000-gallon tank of alcohol had exploded. The flames at times burst like a rocket, blasting 500 feet into the air. Flaming debris was scattered over a wide area and sparks showered in every direction, even landing on some private homes. The rooftops were wetted down quickly by firemen. Between 20 and 100 families had to be evacuated temporarily from their homes, including a few elderly persons. No one was reported injured by the blast and fire.

In West Covina, Calif., a woman caught in what officials called a web of conflicting statements, was accused with her lover of murdering his socialite wife. Police said that the former model had incriminated herself by trying to shield her paramour, a surgeon. The 22-year old woman and her lover were charged with murder in the July 18 shooting of the wealthy surgeon's 33-year old wife. The young woman was arrested in court on Wednesday shortly after she had sobbingly admitted at the preliminary hearing of the doctor that she loved him and had sexual relations with him. The hearing was continuing this date. The deputy district attorney prosecuting the case said that the young woman had "tripped herself up" when she testified on Tuesday about a leather case found near the home of the doctor and his wife after she had been fatally shot. Investigators described the case as a "do-it-yourself murder kit", containing a hypodermic needle, sedatives, bullets, a knife and rope. The young woman surprised authorities by testifying that she had taken the case from her car at the home of the doctor when he asked her to get a flashlight, and she identified some of the contents as household goods which the doctor bought for her, also indicating that the doctor carried weapons whenever he had narcotics in his car. The prosecutor said that she had read in the newspapers about the murder kit and decided that she had to account for it, that in previous questioning, the bag had never been mentioned. He found it quite apparent, in looking at the entire picture of evidence and the relationship between the two, that her testimony showed an active participation and aiding and abetting in the murder. He said that the changes in her testimony showed a concert of action between the young woman and the doctor and that he was satisfied they conspired together and that she had aided him in committing the crime. He said he believed that their plan had been to tie up the doctor's wife with rope, give her an injection of sedative, put her in her car and push the car off a cliff in front of their home.

In Canoga Park, Calif., it was reported that four years earlier, a man had slipped into a pretty housewife's kitchen and grabbed her as she stood ironing. The woman had smashed her iron against the man's face and he had fled, screaming, his face branded. Two weeks later, the woman had received a crudely written note, saying, "I'll get you." That had begun four years of torment. Once, the man had appeared again at her home and had tried to rape her, but had fled when her children arrived home. Countless times, her phone had rung and a man's voice had said, "I'll get you." Three times the family had moved from one Los Angeles suburb to another and had begun to feel secure in their home in Canoga Park. Then, the previous day, the man had returned and the woman, 30, recognized him. A long scar stretched from his left eye to his mouth. She said that he forced her into the bathroom of the home, ripped off her blouse, pulled a penknife and told her: "Now you're going to know what it feels like to be ugly." She said that he slashed her on the ankle twice and then slashed at her shoulders, arms and thighs. Her oldest son had heard her screams and pounded on the locked door of the home. The woman said that the man smashed her in the face with his clenched fist and warned, "I'll be back to finish the job." He then fled. Police had issued an all-points bulletin for the scarred man, whose identity was not known. Police reports had verified the woman's story of years of torment. The officers had been seeking her assailant since the initial attack, which had occurred in Sunland. None of the knife cuts on the woman had been deep, but she was reported to be nearly hysterical. Police were observing her home.

In Columbus, O., it was reported that two members of the Chattanooga baseball club had been reported suspended, one for life, this date as a result of charges that gamblers had attempted to fix games in the Southern Association. George Trautman, head of the minor league, announced that Jesse Levan had been banned for life for acting as liaison man for a gambler seeking to get players to throw Chattanooga games. The second player, Waldo Gonzales, had been suspended for a year, effective July 3, for attempting to obstruct investigation of the case. Mr. Trautman said that other players were questioned but that no punitive action had been taken against them. Mr. Levan had played for the Charlotte Hornets for the first time in 1954 and had made a sensational stand in 29 games, having hit seven home runs, driving in 41 runs and batting .412. The Washington Senators had called him up at the end of that season. The following year, his batting average fell to .280, after being optioned down by Washington. He hit seven home runs and drove in only 37 runs in 87 games. Meanwhile, the Dallas Times Herald had quoted a former Southern Association player as saying that the Chattanooga park was "nothing but a gambling casino". An Atlanta writer, Bob Christian, had quoted another source as saying that several, if not all of the clubs in the Association, cooperated with gamblers during the previous three seasons. Mr. Christian had written that agreements between players and gamblers usually did not affect the outcome of games but dealt with such trivialities as "fouling off pitches". He was asked this date to tell his story to a Georgia grand jury. One player had reportedly been offered $700 if he could foul off three straight pitches. Messrs. Levan and Gonzales, the latter an ex-Texas Leaguer, had previously been suspended by Charlie Hirth, president of the Southern Association, for failing to report an attempted bribe. Mr. Trautman said that his investigation had developed no proof that any game actually had been thrown, saying that several players had been guilty of not having reported attempts to have them fix games. He listed pitchers James Heise, Thomas McAvoy and Samuel Weeks as others involved.

John Kilgo of The News reports that a black man who said he killed a white grocer on April 6 had been taken to Raleigh this date to undergo extensive lie detector tests. The 29-year old man had left in the early morning, agreeing to allow the State Bureau of Investigation to provide him the tests, which were scheduled to last most of the day. The man had told police that on April 6 he had gone to a grocery store and stabbed the owner "a number of times" with a pocketknife. He told police he was planning to rob the man but had stabbed the elderly grocer when he put up a fight. Police were searching for evidence to back up but the man's claims. He was given a lie detector test administered by a County Police lieutenant the prior Sunday, which had lasted for 90 minutes, reportedly showing that the man was telling the truth. The lieutenant said that he had asked the man 24 questions during the test, about twice as many as he usually asked. During the morning a veteran policeman had told a reporter that he had known the man who confessed for a long time and he had always told him the truth and had never lied to him. The detectives had taken a plastic bag full of pocketknives with them to Raleigh during the morning and the accused would undoubtedly be subjected to tests regarding those knives. A black-handled pocketknife had been found in the grocery store the day of the killing. The prior Sunday, police had placed a batch of knives on a table and told the accused to pick the one he allegedly used to stab the grocer. He had picked the wrong knife, one reason for the police wanting to subject his story to further investigation. He had told the police that he had confessed to the crime because he could not get it off of his mind.

On the editorial page, "Urban Redevelopment Must Be Salvaged" finds that the pledge of Representative Charles Jonas to Charlotte that he would work for the salvage of urban renewal funding had come none too early, as the Congress was beginning to fancy adjournment. If adjournment were to come before a suitable bill authorized crucial urban redevelopment funding, shanty towns, such as Charlotte's Brooklyn, would be left to roost on the shoulders of American cities for another season. It finds it a violation of the growing urban conscience in Charlotte and elsewhere, which could not be tolerated.

Urban renewal funding had been carelessly jeopardized early in the month when Congress had attempted to crowd too many passengers into its omnibus housing bill. Representative Jonas had voted against that bill, which had passed but finally had been vetoed by the President. Mr. Jonas felt, as did the newspaper, that urban renewal funding had to have priority and that other housing expenditures could wait their turn.

At present, a more modest housing bill was pending in both houses and Mr. Jonas planned to support it. As with most legislative matters at present, when public opinion was clearly conservative on spending, housing had to be a matter of priorities. The cleansing of urban blight had to take precedence over what Housing director Norman Mason had called "a whopping program of public housing". Before Congress passed its omnibus bill early in July, the President had requested that no more units of housing be presently authorized. Democratic eagerness to test majority strength against the President's "veto-pistol" might or might not have been effective politics. It finds the tragedy to have been that in the combat, the knowing need for slum clearance was left unattended.

Charlotte's urban renewal program stood to lose much redevelopment funding if it were left to wait on an adjustment between Congressional and Presidential moods. The Charlotte Urban Redevelopment Commission had obtained a million dollars from a housing bill passed in 1957. But in a letter to Mr. Jonas during the week, the Commission chairman had warned: "We will only be able to complete a portion of our first project with present grants… This will represent a bare 10 percent of the 'Brooklyn' Area, not to mention many other blighted areas within our city that should receive prompt attention."

It finds that as bad as the blight was in Charlotte's Brooklyn, it was much worse in upper Manhattan or Chicago's South Side, such that the need was nationwide and crucial. "This sight of shanties cohabiting American cities side-by-side with skyscrapers and emporia overflowing with consumer goods is one stark witness to the growing imbalance between public and private bounty in this country. Slum clearance is essential to restoring the balance."

"Dr. Webb's Prescription Makes Sense" starts with the recent words of Dr. Walter Prescott Webb, the noted historian: "I would convince the southern people that their future is brighter than it has been in history … that they would get so busy in realizing the opportunities ahead that they would … revenge the past by becoming the prosperous region of the nation."

It finds that those words had illustrated an old truth, that in writing prescriptions for the South, there was no end. "Only exurbanites and Yalemen rival the region in the degree to which their tastes, memories, neuroses, and state of health are diagnosed."

It finds that at the same time, Dr. Webb had provided an extraordinary condensation of facts for Southerners to mull, that the South was the only region in the country which fronted the sea on two sides, which had nearly four times the shoreline of the North, more than twice that of the Pacific Coast and nearly 600 miles more seacoast than the North and West combined, that if there was a potential fortune in the sea, then the South had the easiest access to more than half of it. It also had a third of the good farmland of the nation, and that land was being made better each year. It had two-thirds of all of the land with 40 inches of rainfall or more, an asset too great to be measured. It had a long growing season which gave it an advantage in the production of food, livestock and feed. It produced 45 percent of the oil, all of the sulphur and had enormous depositions of coal and iron which had hardly been touched. The industrial revolution was at last entering the region and the petrochemical industry had already made great headway. The South was developing capital centers with enough money to develop its own resources and the region was slowly becoming an exporter of capital.

Dr. Webb's evidence pointed to roots of economic development seldom mentioned when the architects of the future foregathered to dream. Too often, when they did so, it seemed that the historic bent of the region, to be enthralled by stereotypes, had it still in tow. The new stereotype was "industrialization" but it was all too rarely that the dreamers of the new Southern dream explained precisely what was meant by the term. Certainly, industry was a crucial source of future development in the region but it needed to be said that "industrialization" did not mean that the South had to force itself into ancient molds which had produced as much disadvantage as benefit. Industrialization did not mean merely the luring of worn-out antiques from other regions which had rejected them. It finds that it ought mean that the South intended to look within its own potential to see what kind of industry fit its resources and traditions.

It suggests that the long growing season and plentiful rainfall cited by Dr. Webb pointed to pasture lands and thus to meat-packing, as the long stretches of seacoast pointed to shipping, trade and port development, and export-import industries. The still unexploited farmland had raised the question of why the South seemed to be surrendering its agricultural supremacy so rapidly to the Midwest.

It finds that Dr. Webb had seemed to warn the region not to abandon old fixations to gain newer ones equally narrow. "In an era of rapid change, the much-examined South needs careful choice as much as ever."

"And Don't Forget To Use the Word" indicates that it had recently read an article by California sociologist Seymour Lipset in which he twitted American "intellectuals" regarding their neuroses. He had found that the "intellectual" was the captive of his own image of himself and believed himself sinned against, becoming a political rebel in consequence. He also thought himself underpaid and cried out against a materialist society.

It finds that Dr. Lipset had failed to do what it had always hoped a super-qualified "intellectual" would one day do, that being to advocate an end to the use of the moniker itself. In previous times, the word "intellectual" had a fairly restrictive meaning but recently had become sickeningly bent and stretched to cover so many different poses and postures that its usefulness had ended.

As proof, it offers a primer on how one could qualify as an intellectual, that being to have at least 12 feet of bookshelves, well-filled and on prominent display, to read the Partisan Review, to frown dogmatically upon television, to be able to bandy about such names as C. S. Lewis, Jean-Paul Sartre or Rilke, to like Lolita for its "remarkable use of the English language", and to prefer Bach to Tchaikovsky.

In college circles the list of requirements were somewhat more formidable but required little originality. One had to have a Ph.D., never minding whether one's mind had been expanded or shrunk by the fact, to publish a textbook, to be able to refute a fascinating argument with a single minute "factor" and explain away genius, saintliness, or implacable evil with a deft smattering of psychology.

"And, by the way, don't forget in any case to use the word 'intellectual' at least 50 times a day."

Intelligentsia, that will be the new word, either that or cognoscenti.

A piece from the Chapel Hill Weekly, titled "Sorry, Wrong Number", indicates that an irate Londoner had suggested that telephone booths be designed for use exclusively by either men or women, a practice which long since had been necessary for razors, trousers, golf clubs and, in some areas, suburban pool halls. The Britons wanted to know why there could not be booths for men only, as women occupied them for 20 minutes at a time while men rarely took more than two or three minutes to make a call.

It finds that the consensus in the U.S. was that Britons were a bit balmy. "Imagine, if you can, a telephone booth designated FOR MEN ONLY up to which would wind a long line of impatient women, and next to it a telephone booth designated FOR WOMEN ONLY into which would sneak a nervous male, guilt written all over his face. This would be the inevitable result."

It finds that to the suggestion, along with the bowler, the walking stick, recognition of Communist China and the Teddy "nonsense", it provides a firm no, but with thanks. It says it still, however, liked Winston Churchill.

Drew Pearson indicates that those who got discouraged regarding the deadlocked relations between the U.S. and the Soviet Union ought look at history. The late Wendell Willkie had once told him of the difficulties he had presenting a presidential message to Joseph Stalin during the war. He had gone to the Soviet Union in 1942 as the special emissary of President Roosevelt at a time when the U.S. and Russia were vital allies against an enemy which to that point had been winning, and at a time when Russia was being kept alive by U.S. supplies. And yet Mr. Willkie was kept waiting for over a week, finally delivering an ultimatum that he would leave the following day unless he was given an appointment with Stalin. At about midnight, he was finally ushered into see Stalin. That had been standard procedure for most Americans, no matter how important. They were taken to the Kremlin during the wee hours of the morning for one long-delayed, hard to obtain secret session with the man who ruled Russia.

By contrast, Vice-President Nixon had seen Nikita Khrushchev immediately and had met with him five times during the first two days and had even spent the weekend at his dacha. The fact that they engaged in a no-holds-barred verbal battle in public, the so-called "Kitchen Debate", had been one of the healthiest developments of modern Russia, as it was democratic debate which could occur in a Western country but never could have happened in the old days of Communism with Stalin or anyone else. If a lesser official had gotten into a verbal battle, Stalin would have liquidated that person.

He recalls the Soviet naval attaché in Washington, Vice-Admiral Paul Yurevich Oras, a frank and charming officer who had become dean of the naval attaches in 1938. He had held a luncheon for U.S. naval brass at which he jokingly chided them for giving foreign naval attaches so little information. Mr. Pearson had written the story. Admiral Oras had unfortunately been recalled to Moscow and then liquidated.

The fact that Mr. Khrushchev had adopted the hand-shaking, back-slapping technique of the American politicians, both in his talks with Mr. Nixon and otherwise, was something of a victory. Also important was the fact that Mr. Nixon was visiting Poland, even more so for the fact that the Inter-Parliamentary Union was being held in Warsaw during the current summer. To have members of elected parliaments and congresses from democratic countries stage their annual convention in a so-called "captive" nation indicated that it might not be so captive after all.

Equally revolutionary was the fact that an American exposition was allowed to be staged in Russia, whereas a few years earlier it would have been impossible as the idea would have been laughed out of the Kremlin. A few years earlier also, the Bolshoi Ballet never would have been permitted in the U.S. Repeated requests had been made to bring it to the U.S., provoking a series of emphatic rejections. But in the current year, the Ballet had packed theaters from San Francisco to New York and turned crowds away from Madison Square Garden.

Similarly, the Harlem Globetrotters' tour of Russia had been on a strictly capitalistic, profit-making basis. There had been no socialism about it. Abe Saperstein's team was paid $44,000 for each game and Russians had packed the Lenin Sports Palace with 130,000 spectators for nine games. Even U.S. Ambassador Llewellyn Thompson had trouble getting a seat. He indicates that when one considered that the criticism of American race prejudice had been the top propaganda slogan of Moscow radio, the fact that a black basketball team was allowed to play a mixed-color group of Americans inside Russia was quite a change.

Walter Lippmann finds that the visit of Vice-President Nixon behind the iron curtain was planned as a triple-wager, a flyer in propaganda, a flyer in diplomacy, and a flyer in his own personal presidential politics. At present, with the Moscow visit concluded, it appeared that there had been no triumph and no disaster and that no money needed to be paid on the wager. That had not been the result of the charm or failings of Mr. Nixon, as the real situation of the U.S. and the Soviet Union had long since passed the point where an amateur diplomat could alter it by words and gestures. Yet the only thing which Mr. Nixon had taken with him in his briefcase was a collection of words and gestures.

At best, he might persuade Mr. Khrushchev that the President wanted to continue talking and at worst, he might still say or do something, perhaps, when he would go to Poland, perhaps because he had been needled, which for awhile would put the Russians in a worse humor than they were in most of the time anyway. But the substance of things would not be changed.

Regarding propaganda, the U.S. exposition in Moscow and the Soviet exposition in New York undoubtedly had an influence on those who visited them or who heard about them from their friends. The main influence, Mr. Lippmann believes, was in dissolving nightmares which were compounded by distance, fear and verbal excitement, and in replacing them with more familiar objects seen by daylight. There was something disarming in the spectacle of the two nuclear giants going to so much trouble to show each other what lovely kitchens they manufactured. That type of contact undoubtedly relaxed popular tension and acted as a kind of wet blanket on the fire-eaters.

But those results were not much affected one way or the other by what Soviet Deputy Premier Frol Kozlov and Mr. Nixon said and did in opening the respective expositions. That was because the Soviet Union and the U.S. were both much too large and too set to be influenced by a propaganda of words and gestures, such as patting babies in American supermarkets or handing out chewing gum in Moscow's streets. There might be some who waited breathlessly to hear whether, in their tit-for-tat, Mr. Nixon gave better than he got. But trying to measure the effect on Soviet and American public opinion would be as measuring how much lower was the level of the ocean after drawing out a bucket of water.

Regarding diplomacy, the Soviets and Americans were in a deadlock over Berlin because the Soviets would not provide what the West wanted at a price which the Western allies, if united, would not pay. The West wanted to have the status quo in Berlin guaranteed until a distant time when the two Germanys could be reunited. It was not clear whether the Soviet Union would give such a guarantee at any price, but the present Soviet position appeared to be that it might negotiate such a guarantee if, in effect, the East German state were recognized as juridically and politically equal to the West German state. Neither side was prepared to concede what the other wanted, but neither side looked forward with anything but reluctance and anxiety to what would happen if the negotiations were ceased. The Soviet Union had made certain commitments to East Germany and the West had made commitments to West Germany which involved risks which neither side wanted to take.

As the two sides could not agree on settlement and wanted to avoid or at least postpone a showdown, it might be that refuge would be taken in a protracted series of conferences and negotiations, and it might be that Mr. Nixon and Mr. Khrushchev were not too far apart.

As for presidential politics, Mr. Lippmann suggests that Mr. Nixon ought feel satisfied if he could depart from behind the iron curtain without making any serious blunders. The trip as such could do nothing to prove that he ought be President or that he possessed any peculiar magic for dealing with the Russians. Nothing he could do would make anyone believe that he knew more about how to conduct foreign relations than Governor Nelson Rockefeller or former Governor Adlai Stevenson. Indeed, he suggests, if anyone in his circle thought that it might be possible to prove his superiority by a flying visit of the type, the Vice-President badly needed to find more adult advisors.

He finds that his greatest chance to make a bad blunder and to prove that a boy had been sent on a man's errand was in his unexpected and ill-considered decision to visit Poland, as that could not do any positive good and could do much harm. For the position of Poland was in the highest degree delicate and, given the fact that Poland was surrounded by the Red Army, the most tactless thing which the U.S. could do was to make an ostentatious public display of its friendship for Poland and of its sympathy with the grievances of the Polish nation. Complicating the matter was that the Vice-President was a politician running for office and no matter what he did, he was certain to be charged with caring not so much about the fate of the Poles but rather about votes of Polish-Americans in Illinois, Michigan, New York and elsewhere.

Mr. Nixon would be all the more open to that charge after the absent-minded bumble of Congress and the President in proclaiming the current week "Captive Nations Week". The resolution on captive nations had been adopted without debate by the Senate on July 6 and the resolution had not come to the Senate from the Foreign Relations Committee which would be normally concerned with such matters, but rather from the Judiciary Committee, of which the chairman was the notorious "lover of liberty", Senator James Eastland of Mississippi, who had promoted a resolution which ironically stated, among other things, that the U.S. had "been able, through the democratic process, to achieve a harmonious national unity of its people, even though they stem from the most diverse of racial, religious, and ethnic backgrounds."

He finds that the hypocrisy of the resolution was embarrassing to the country and the irresponsibility of Congress in voting such a resolution, about which it had no intention of doing anything, without consideration or debate, was even worse. The insincerity, he finds, was a cruel hoax on the captive peoples, who might not yet have learned when to take the Congress seriously.

A letter writer from Salisbury indicates that black people in the state had the same names as the prominent white people in the state and that those black people had many of the same characteristics as their white cousins. "Isn't it time that the Israelites and the Samaritans made peace and lived for each other in the place of against each other?"

A letter from the state superintendent of the Church of God of North Carolina expresses their appreciation to the newspaper and its staff for the coverage given their July Camp Meeting, indicating that it had been a great help.

A letter writer finds the little foreign cars to be no good. He had noted one on the street the previous day and it appeared to him as a poodle dog. "They crowd in and out of traffic lanes like cockroaches. In 1932 I owned an Austin. Sitting cramped up all day nearly put me out of commission. I sold the thing and recovered." He finds the promise of 40 miles per gallon of gas to be a lie. He hopes that the City did not fall for that claim, finding that City employees ought to have good American makes. He thinks it would be a disgrace to put the city's name on one of the little foreign "pests that crowd in and out of traffic like insects. When muddy they look like hell…"

Well, what car doesn't?

A letter writer agrees with the newspaper's estimate of Senator Joseph McCarthy and the "ism" which he had founded, but finds that since he had been dead for two years, it was about time he was buried for good, suggesting that when they kept reviving his memory, they were only giving the crackpots something around which to rally.

A letter writer indicates that she had been reading a lot about teenage boys and girls lately and believed that the new Police Chief, Jesse James, would do his best to make them better young people. "But the root of all the trouble is a lack of parental love. Mothers and fathers simply don't spend enough time with their children." She indicates that parents could not run around, play cards and drink and expect their children to take care of themselves and behave themselves, that the home was where the trouble lay and if parents would spend their time seeking God's help to be better parents, there would be less juvenile crime and fewer tears shed.

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