The Charlotte News

Monday, September 8, 1958

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Taipei, Formosa, that Communist Chinese shore batteries had blown up a Nationalist Chinese ammunition ship on Quemoy's beach this date as the Communist guns resumed their bombardment of the Nationalist-held offshore island following 2 1/2 days of a self-imposed lull. Although U.S. warships presumably had escorted the ammunition ship to the Quemoy area, there had been no report of U.S. vessels being in the vicinity of the bombardment. The heaviest concentration of fire had been reported on the Quemoy beaches in an apparent attempt to prevent unloading of supplies. The Nationalist Defense Ministry stated that the Communist guns had unleashed a very heavy bombardment during the early afternoon, but that the volume of fire had become sporadic later. Unconfirmed reports said that Nationalist planes had made their first bombing runs of the Formosa Strait war against mainland gun positions after the shelling of Quemoy had resumed, following the Nationalists having announced that they would bomb the Communist artillery post if the Communists resumed their attack. The same report said that Nationalist planes were engaged in a furious dogfight over Weitou, 7.5 miles northeast of Quemoy, where the Communists had their largest guns, blamed for the artillery attacks both on the Quemoy beach and on the main military hospital on Quemoy. In the air, the Nationalists claimed their biggest victory thus far, shooting down seven Communist MIG jets and damaging two in a ten-minute battle near Swatow, 130 miles south of Quemoy. The Nationalists said that one of their Super Sabrejets had been hit but had returned to base without difficulty. It was the first reported American escort of a daylight convoy to Quemoy, although sources disclosed that U.S. ships had been accompanying supply ships to Quemoy at night since the previous Wednesday. The U.S. action challenged Peiping's recent proclamation which had extended Communist China's territorial waters to 12 miles from shore and beyond Quemoy. The U.S. had rejected the extension, saying that it would continue to observe the internationally recognized three-mile limit. The escorting ships remained some seven miles from the Communist Chinese mainland. Peiping Radio charged that the American ships were violating Chinese waters and broadcast a "serious warning" from its Foreign Ministry. An air battle had taken place the previous day over the Formosa Strait, 23 miles east of the Tenghai base at which the Communists had recently established 50 MIG-17's.

In London, it was reported via Peiping Radio that Communist China's Chairman Mao Tse Tung had said this date that talks over the Formosa situation with the U.S. in Warsaw "might lead to some results provided both sides wanted to settle the question." Mao spoke to the Supreme State Council, and the broadcast indicated that he had been hopeful about the ambassadorial talks between China and the U.S. to begin in Warsaw. Premier Chou En-lai had proposed talks with the U.S. at the ambassadorial level the prior Saturday. The talks had been broken off the previous December 12, after 73 meetings in Geneva, having begun in 1955 regarding the issue of release of American prisoners held in Communist China, turning to other issues once most of those prisoners had been released. The White House later issued a statement welcoming the offer, indicating that U.S. Ambassador Jacob Beam in Warsaw was prepared to meet with Communist China's ambassador there. The U.S. previously had suggested on August 1 transfer of the talks to Warsaw. Although Mao had given approval to the talks, the Peiping Radio broadcast said that he again attacked the U.S., quoting him as having said: "U.S. imperialism is creating tension all over the world in an attempt to attain its aggressive aims and to enslave the peoples of various countries. The present situation is favorable for people all over the world who are fighting for peace." The broadcast said that Mao had pointed out that the "general trend was that of the east wind prevailing over the west wind." That begins to sound like another Pearl Harbor in the offing.

Also from Taipei, it was reported that General Curtis LeMay, vice-chief of staff of the U.S. Air Force, had met with Chiang Kai-shek this date and had also dined with him at his home in the suburbs.

At Vatican City, Pope Pius XII had called on Catholics in Communist China to hold firm in their faith against attacks by the Communist regime. His message had been contained in an encyclical letter dated June 29 and released this date by the Vatican press office.

In Leipzig, East Germany, it was reported that Deputy Premier Heinrich Rau had hinted strongly this date that the Communists were considering a new blockade of isolated West Berlin, encircled by East German territory, presumably reminiscent of that which had occurred in 1948-49—lending much credence to the suggestion this date by Joseph Alsop in his piece summarized below from the editorial page, that the situation regarding Quemoy and Matsu held propitiatory possibilities inviting, in the event of surrender of or retreat from those small islands, Communist conquest of Western Europe, most especially West Berlin, so valuable to the Western alliance.

In Algiers, it was reported that French troops mounting an operation south of Constantine, had reported this date that they had killed 89 Algerian Nationalists and captured 11, with French losses not reported.

In Seoul, South Korea, South Korean Defense Ministry sources said this date that six or seven Communist North Korean soldiers had staged a predawn attack this date along the demilitarized zone, killing one South Korean soldier and wounding another.

In Nice, France, it was reported that French actress Brigitte Bardot had announced her engagement to a young guitarist, Sacha Distel. She had been divorced the previous December from Roger Vadim, who had directed the films which had made her famous.

On the editorial page, Joseph Alsop finds that the only way to make sense of the situation in the Formosa Strait was to distinguish between the reason for the existing situation and the policy for dealing with it, that is the decision to use U.S. forces if necessary for the defense of Quemoy and the Matsus. The principal points which had been discussed by leading American policymakers during the previous three weeks had been, first, the potential for loss of the islands, resulting in the subsequent loss of Formosa. Chiang Kai-shek had committed nearly a third of his Army and more than a third of his best troops on Quemoy and the Matsus, and also had a large share of his best American military equipment on those islands, nearly a half billion dollars worth. The Formosa combination of mainland leadership and native population was inherently fragile. A major defeat in the offshore islands would shake Chiang's Government to its foundations, opening up opportunity for the Communists to engage in subversion.

Second, U.S. prestige in Asia was just as much committed on the islands as Chiang's prestige, and thus a Communist victory on Quemoy and/or the Matsus would cause far-spreading political upheaval, altering the policy or even endangering the existence of every Western-oriented and non-Communist Asian government from Japan to Burma, including even the Philippines.

Third, which he considers perhaps the most important, a Communist victory on Quemoy and the Matsus would not end in Asia. Another retreat or surrender on those small islands would encourage new Communist adventures at other points around the world, with Western Europe not excluded. Berlin was the most exposed and one of the most vital of all of the positions vital to the West. The Communists needed to cut that point of freedom from the heart of East Germany, currently more urgent than ever. He predicts that surrender of Quemoy would lead inevitably to Berlin being placed next on the list of Communist targets.

He finds that the U.S. policy could be summed up as being designed to prevent a chain reaction of other Communist challenges and Western defeats, which would begin on the rocky little islands in the Formosa Strait, but would end in much more critical areas.

That left the question as to why such a situation was ever allowed to arise in the first place, in which so much depended on holding a position such as Quemoy. He again, as he had the previous week, suggests that it had begun with the "unleashing" of Chiang Kai-shek by the Administration in 1953. Chiang had not wanted his regular troops and political prestige to be committed to the offshore islands, which at that time, he was treating as expendable. He made the commitment to the islands under severe U.S. pressure, which had been applied to provide substance to the "unleashing". Then the U.S. Government saw that Quemoy and the Matsus had better be quietly abandoned, after the warning crisis in the winter of 1956, which had ended in the evacuation of the Tachen Islands, to the north of Quemoy. Assistant Secretary of State Walter Robertson had been charged with persuading Chiang to evacuate the islands, using only the gentlest persuasion. Chiang recalled the previous U.S. pressure and argued that his Government could not stand the blow of another evacuation, having already evacuated the mainland to Formosa in 1949. He was encouraged by Admirals Arthur Radford and Felix Stump, who even approved the continuing build-up of Chiang's island garrison.

Despite that, both Russia and Communist China would probably not have risked an attack on the offshore islands at the present time if the Communist high command had not just been treated to such a display of American feeble forcefulness during the Middle Eastern crisis involving Lebanon and Jordan, coincident with the coup in Iraq and the nationalist, anti-Western disturbances in Lebanon against then-President Camille Chamoun and his pro-Western Government, threatening to spread to Jordan via the encouragement of United Arab Republic Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser.

As events were proving, an enormous Western defeat had been concealed behind the Lebanese landing and the strange transactions at the U.N., which wound up endorsing the Arab solution to that problem, ensuring the withdrawal of the British paratroopers from Jordan and the U.S. Marines from Lebanon. As Mr. Alsop had written at the time, the acceptance of the defeat in the Middle East had directly invited attacks on every exposed position depending for its defense on U.S. firmness and resolution. The offshore islands had been the most exposed position of that type.

He finds that overall, therefore, it was impossible to defend the way the U.S. had gotten into the mess, but that it was easily possible to defend the decision which had presently been taken about it. While Quemoy and the Matsus were bad places to take a stand, it was no use railing against it on that basis, as the enemy also chose the places where stands had to be taken, always choosing the most embarrassing places. "And today, it is already very late to take a stand."

A letter writer indicates that the newspapers had stated that the Federal Government was recruiting deputy U.S. marshals for deployment to trouble spots regarding integration. The letter writer says: "I knew danged well when John Kasper made his speech here while U.S. Marshal Matt [Gunsmoke] Dillon of Dodge was in town that something was bound to happen. If that man don't watch out, he just might wind up on Boot Hill."

He got that right. You just don't mess with that there Marshal Dillon. Not even Chester would up and do that, unless he 'as smashed on the sour mash.

A pome appears from the Atlanta Journal, "In Which Is Included a Tip Concerning Travel Of The Future:

"If you travel into space
Please be sure to land some place."

But if that should entail the moon race,
Try not to touch down on the dark side's face.

As we have fallen behind, there will be no further summaries of the front page or the editorial page this date, with the notes to be sporadic until we catch up.

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