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The Charlotte News
Friday, September 19, 1958
THREE EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Taipei, Formosa, that the U.S. had announced reorganization of the American Advisory Command on Formosa, making it, in effect, a regular combat command. The announcement by the commander of the U.S. Formosa Defense Command, Vice-Admral Roland Smoot, said that the step was taken "to attain an adequate defense posture in the face of recent stepped-up Chinese Communist actions." In Quemoy, meanwhile, Communist and Nationalist guns had engaged in fresh battle this date. The Nationalists said that the Communists had fired 6,613 shells between noon and 6:00 p.m., with the bombardment having been particularly heavy while three LST's were unloading supplies at Quemoy. The Defense Ministry in Formosa had said that the ships had accomplished their mission without damage and returned safely to base, presumably in the Pescadores Islands. Admiral Smoot's command announced that the U.S. had augmented its Army, Navy and Air Force in the Formosa area, indicating that the augmentation "has established a requirement for centralizing operational control of all forces assigned to the Formosa area." The announcement said that the Joint Chiefs had established the U.S. Formosa Defense Command as a subordinate unified command under the commander-in-chief, Pacific, while overall direction remained under Admiral Smoot. Maj. General Leander Doan, chief of the Military Assistance Advisory Group, had been designated commanding general of the U.S. Army forces assigned to Formosa. Brig. General Fred Den, commander of the U.S. Air Task Force, had been designated commander of all Air Force units, and Rear Admiral Paul Blackburn, commander of the Formosa Strait patrol, was designated commander of U.S. Naval units. Admiral Smoot, according to the announcement, would have under his direct operational control those forces necessary to discharge his mission of on-the-spot coordination of all U.S. operations in the Formosa area. Reorganization of the Formosa Command had been announced as the Army assigned a Nike Hercules missile battalion to the defense of the Nationalist stronghold in Formosa. The Nike-Hercules could knock down enemy aircraft more than 75 miles distant and could carry either a conventional or a nuclear warhead. We hope that the air raid siren atop the pharmacy is still working tomorrow at noon. We are now becoming somewhat accustomed to it after four weeks.
At the U.N. in New York, the U.S. formally proposed this date that the body postpone action on the seating of Communist China for at least another year. The move had been made by U.S. Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., in the General Assembly's powerful steering committee. Ambassador Lodge spoke after Indian Defense Minister V. K. Krishna Menon had urged full debate at the current Assembly session on the controversial issue of giving China's seat to the Communist regime on the mainland. The U.S. proposal was similar to motions adopted by the Assembly in previous years and there was no doubt that it would be approved again on this occasion. Ambassador Lodge told the committee, "this year, of all years, is not the time" to consider ousting Nationalist China and seating the Chinese Communists. He made no direct reference to the Chinese Communist attacks on Formosa, but spoke only of "recent developments" in the Far East. Nationalist China's T. F. Tsiang had criticized the Chinese Communist regime as a product of Soviet indirect aggression and subversion, declaring that it did not represent the Chinese people. He had also pointed out that it had been branded by the U.N. as an aggressor in the current situation.
At the Atomic Test Site in Nevada, it was reported that a tiny, but powerful, atomic weapon had been detonated over the desert this date, as the seventh and possibly last nuclear test series opened at the proving ground. A brilliant flash had cut through the morning sunlight as the device had detonated beneath a balloon at a 500-foot elevation. A light brown cloud, without the usual atomic mushroom shape, had shot up over the floor of Yucca Flat. The sound and the shock wave were hardly noticeable at News Knob, 10.5 miles distant. A ten-shot series had been planned, but it had to end prior to October 31, the effective date of the President's proposal for a one-year suspension of nuclear weapons testing.
At Cape Canaveral, Fla., a Snark guided missile had been launched this date, with a planned 6,000-mile flight across the Atlantic. The 69-foot missile, which had been fired from the Cape more than 50 times, at present was the only U.S. missile capable of traveling a distance equivalent to intercontinental range.
In Havana, the Cuban Government was reported this date to be rushing troop reinforcements into the southeastern coastal area of Camaguey Province to halt the western march of six rebel columns under Fidel Castro. The province bordered on easternmost Oriente Province, which had long been the rebel stronghold. The rebels had just announced their intention to conduct the western march to overthrow El Presidente Fulgencio Batista.
In Algiers, one person had been killed and five others wounded this date when a terrorist's grenade had exploded near the Roman Catholic Cathedral of the city.
In Nicosia, Cyprus, U.S. Vice-Consul John Wentworth was said to be in serious condition this date after three bullet wounds had been inflicted by a young gunman, who may have believed that he was shooting a Briton.
In Little Rock, Ark., it was reported that Governor Orval Faubus had offered the people of the city what he termed a legal plan for private, segregated schools and had asked them to vote for segregated classes. The Governor said that approval of segregated classes in the September 27 special referendum, mandated by state law when any public school was closed, would make the school facilities surplus property. The Little Rock School Board could then lease them to private agencies, and the Governor urged them to do so. One such agency had already been chartered. The plan depended heavily on the special election, which some lawyers said had no legal significance because of the Supreme Court's order on September 12 to proceed with further integration immediately at Central High School. The Board, meanwhile, had arranged for informal televised classes to begin on Monday for students of the four closed high schools. School officials had not decided what credit would be given for any such work.
In Virginia, Governor J. Lindsay Almond, Jr., had closed white schools as soon as the Federal District Court had ordered them to admit black students. He had closed two white schools in Charlottesville under a state law which automatically halted classes wherever integration was ordered. He had ordered the white high school at Front Royal in Warren County closed the previous week. The Warren County PTA had vetoed a move to reopen the school without state funding. It had named a committee to make plans for interim pupil instruction. Six schools in Norfolk apparently would be the next to close, but action by the City School Board might delay it. A Federal District Court judge had overruled a state court injunction against the Board's proceeding with integration plans. The Board said that it would seek a delay of the integration order, and if that failed, appeal to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. State action would await that decision.
An attorney for the NAACP, G. E. Graves, said that he would go into court if necessary to gain admittance of a group of black children to a white elementary school in Miami, Fla. He said that he would appeal to the County School Board and the Florida State School Board, if necessary, to obtain the admissions, and failing there, would take the case to the state circuit court in Tallahassee. The County Board had rejected applications from 14 black children to attend the school.
The cost of living as measured by the Government had dropped in August for the first time in two years, by two-tenths of one percent. The Labor Department attributed the decline to the usual late-summer drop in food prices, as fruits and vegetables hit the market in quantity. The Government's price expert said that no sustained decline in the cost of living was in prospect. He forecast that the consumer price level would stay approximately the same for the ensuing few months. He indicated the belief that the index might show a further small decline when September data would become available, because of continued late-summer food price reductions. The index for August, announced this date, was 123.7 percent of the 1947-49 average, 2.2 percent higher than in August, 1957. The index had hit a record level 21 times during the previous 24 months, a rise of about 6 percent in general living costs in two years. There was no sizable group of workers whose pay rates required adjustment because of labor contracts geared to the August index. The Labor Department reported that spendable earnings of factory workers had risen slightly between July and August. Workers with three dependents averaged $75.90 per week after tax deductions, while a single worker averaged $68.48. Those figures were somewhat higher than a year earlier but represented reduced buying power because of the increase in the cost of living since that point. The decline in food prices in August had been fairly general, with the prices for meats, fruits and vegetables all being lower, and the prices for eggs, milk and restaurant meals having risen somewhat. Transportation, housing, medical care and recreation costs had been higher. The Government expert said that he expected still lower September food prices, which would trend downward for several months, but that there probably would be offsetting price increases as fall clothing came to market at higher price levels and new automobile models reached the market also at probably higher prices than the previous year's models.
On the editorial page, "The Dixiecrats Eye a Dusty Cloak" indicates that the Richmond News Leader, in an editorial during the week, presumably by editor Jack Kilpatrick, had "grabbed up the dusty cloak of Dixiecrat revolt", urging "'a dramatic coalition of conservatives in Congress next January.'" Under the proposed plan, "'roughly 50 senators and 250 representatives would abandon their national party identifications as Republicans or Democrats, and join hands as Conservatives in order to organize the Congress and take command of committees.'"
It comments that the coalition had actually existed within the party system at least since the 1876 election of President Rutherford B. Hayes, when Southern Democrats bargained off electoral votes in exchange for the withdrawal of Reconstruction troops from the South, resulting in Ohio Governor Hayes, who had lost the popular vote to New York Governor Samuel J. Tilden, winning the contest in the electoral college by the partisan 8 to 7 vote of a specially appointed 15-member commission to determine which slates of contested electors would be acceptable from four states which submitted two slates each, South Carolina, Florida, Louisiana and Oregon. It indicates that it would not speculate on "the strange host with tattered fringes this proposed 'Conservative' party would whip into rigid lines." It finds that was not the issue.
For political reasons, Republicans and some Northern Democrats wanted nothing better than to exploit the impending schism between Confederate and Yankee Democrats. RNC chairman Meade Alcorn had "looked suspiciously like a wolf in the fold" when he had talked in Greenville, S.C., recently about affinities between Dixiecrats and Republicans.
It warns that if another angry band of Dixiecrats were to flee the party at present, consequences would be grave. Practically, on the other hand, nothing could hold greater tragicomedy than an unadvertised revolt put down by an overwhelming Northern and Western Democratic victory in the November midterms.
It finds that there were provocations for such talk of splits and new coalitions, as the vast general disagreement on domestic social and economic issues had caused the impatience of Southern and Northern Democrats with each other to be readily understandable. But it also finds that to suggest, as had the News Leader, that a "Conservative" coalition "'makes sense both philosophically and politically'" was to offer a shallow and foolish half-truth, for politically, it made only far-fetched sense if any.
It indicates that it had been the conservative Alexander Hamilton who had objected to government "out of sight and at a distance". The loose, brokering party system, bound to little or no ideology beyond the campaign bromides of "party of the people" or "party of good business" gave every man his say and provided insurance against the factional system on display in France, and also promoted fairly responsible opposition practices.
Senator John C. Calhoun of South Carolina had seen that unique function of the party system clearly in his theory of the "concurrent majority". Any major interested regional group could act within one of the parties to veto measures or programs obnoxious to it. It suggests that it had proved more than desirable over the long run to have both liberal and conservative spokesmen in both parties.
It finds that if the Southern Democrats insisted on making their case on the race question before the rest of the country, from a purely practical standpoint, they would not find a better platform than that of the national party.
It suggests that there was a strong psychological impetus behind the third-party talk, as always. The French political scientist, Bertrand de Jouvenel, had written of an utopian "nostalgia for the small community" which beset democracies in troubled sometimes when the system seemed to drag its feet. There was an imagined tribe-like situation in those times, in which a chosen group of omnipotent elders, agreeing completely among themselves, could lay down the law and gospel to everyone. It questions whether such a phenomenon could be bothering the society at present. "Such nostalgia seems ultimately involved in third-party wishes; but we hope southern Democrats, whose political experience is well-seasoned, will stave it off."
Incidentally, the 1876 presidential election is worth studying again closely as it could prove a harbinger for the future should there be a close vote in states in 2028 and a Democrat should win the election, as the current toadying "vice-president" says that, had he been in the position in 2020, he would have asked the states to appoint two slates of electors, one for each major candidate, and then submit them to either the state legislatures or to a special commission to determine which slate of electors from certain close states were "valid"—the actual plain outcome of that election thus being damned, except to the lunatic fringe in Magaville, USA, whose inhabitants still will not state unequivocally that President Biden actually won, but insist on saying only that he "was certfied" as the winner.
This is the same group of loony birds who are now wasting taxpayer money holding hearings regarding the competence of President Biden to issue pardons in the latter days of his Administration, with the stated goal of doing exactly what, we have yet to glean, as the Constitution is clear that the President has unfettered authority to issue pardons and commutations in Federal cases, and any issue of competence to do so could not be asserted after the fact when no issue had been asserted under the 25th Amendment. But the loony from Kentuck', who smokes his hemp obviously on a regular basis, in between Fox Prop photo-ops, insists that his Hoo-use Oooversot Co-mmitt-ee has a respons-hillbility to look at all 'at and see what's what, to get at them thar "Biden Crime Family" co-rruptions and all them Clin-tons—while not paying a whiff of attention to the obvious corruption actually smelling aloud in real time, stinking up all of Washington.
We wish that these people could see themselves as most of the nation see them, as complete loonies, laundering and wandering about without any tether whatsoever to reality, living in a world of "alternative facts" conjured from the wishful hacks of Fox Prop and other similar manufacturers of plastic, missile-shaped instruments of mendacity.
Have you noticed, as we have, that Mr. Hempboy of Kentuck' has come of late to resemble the character Nicky Santoro in the film "Casino"? He has obviously spent so much time trying to chase down fictional "crime families" that he has crawled into the skin unwittingly of one of the more notorious of the fictional characters. Perhaps, he has a dark fantasy of wishing to place into a vise the heads of some of the "Democrat witnesses" he calls before his Oooversot Co-mmitt-ee.
As we have fallen behind, there will be no further notes on the front page or editorial page of this date, with the notes to be sporadic until we catch up.
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