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The Charlotte News
Friday, August 22, 1958
THREE EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page
reports that the President had announced
In Taipei, Formosa, Nationalist Chinese planes had dropped propaganda leaflets over three provinces of East China early this date in defiance of the increased Communist Chinese Air Force.
In London, it was reported that Iceland had threatened this date to pull out of NATO over its fishing dispute with Britain, its ambassador to Britain having told a press conference that his nation would be compelled "to drop out of NATO if Britain does not behave."
The House Appropriations Committee bowed reluctantly this date to the President's veto of a 589 billion dollar appropriation for the Civil Service retirement fund.
The Government reported, through the
Bureau of Labor Statistics this date, that the cost of living in July
had set another record high, with the consumer price index having
risen two-tenths of a percent to 123.9 percent of the 1947-49 base
period. Increases in transportation, food and medical care costs had
been chiefly responsible for the rise. Meanwhile, take-home pay of
factory workers had also risen to a record high for any July,
contrary to the usual seasonal trend. The average take-home pay of a
factory worker with three dependents was $75.88 per week, an increase
of about 30 cents from June. The rise in cost of living would mean
another small pay increase for about 500,000 workers, chiefly in
aircraft and electrical equipment industries, whose union contracts
were based on the Government index. The index had risen in 21 of the
prior 23 months, with there having been no decline since August,
1956. The head of the BLS predicted little change in the general cost
of living for the ensuing several months, indicating that food prices
would continue down but that the advent of new fall clothing and new
model automobiles, both expected to cost more, would offset any drop
in food prices. He said that a small factor had been the increase in
postal rates, with the cost of a stamp for a first-class letter going
from three cents to four cents. He attributed two-thirds of the June
to July increase to transportation prices, which had risen by one
percent. Gasoline prices had increased by 2.2 percent as price wars ended in
several locations. Used cars had gone up 2.9 percent, while there had been
no change in the average price of new cars. Transit fares had risen
by 1.1 percent because of increases in five cities. Food prices had
increased by one tenth of a percent, with higher prices for pork,
eggs and milk more than offsetting reductions for fresh fruits and
vegetables. The food index by itself for July had been 121.7 percent of the
1947-49 base period, or 3.7 percent higher than in July, 1957. The complete
index was 2.6 percent higher than in July of the prior year. We ask in 2025
the little Trumpy-Dumpy-Doer who went out last November and voted for
the dictator, a proven dictator and a liar, just what they have
gotten from him in the way of lower prices, on which many people
apparently cast their votes in 2024. The fact of the matter is that
food prices, by and large, are substantially higher on balance,
thanks to His Brilliance having imposed the worst tariff policy since
1931, a policy which only intensified the then-extant depression,
with gas prices about the same as a year ago, depending on locality,
and overall the rate of inflation being higher. And, because he fired
the previous head of the BLS because he did not like the report in
the last quarter to which she had no input, we really do not know
what the jobs picture looks like at present, but, based on the last
report, it is and was pretty anemic, the lowest job creation since
his first term, in which he practically destroyed the economy of the
country by managing the pandemic as a drunken sailor
In Little Rock, Ark., the NAACP stated that it would ask the Supreme Court this date to overturn the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals stay which had been imposed on its own decision, which had reversed the District Court judge who had ordered a delay of renewed integration in Little Rock until the beginning of 1961, the stay having been put in place pending the Little Rock Board of Education's submission of a petition for writ of certiorari to the Supreme Court, contesting the Circuit Court's reversal. The school year would begin at Central High School on September 2. Governor Orval Faubus had stated the previous day that he might call a special session of the Legislature for the following week in case the NAACP would be successful in overturning the stay. The School Board was going ahead on the assumption that the high school would be all-white again when classes resumed. Registration would begin this date and if black students applied, they would be told to attend the Horace Mann Negro High School in Little Rock. Thurgood Marshall, counsel for the NAACP, said that he would ask the high court to set aside the stay, which would then allow black students to reenter Central on opening day. The Governor refused to back down immediately on his standby call to legislators to be ready for a session to begin on Monday after the Circuit Court's decision. The Governor had hinted that the state would close Central should the Federal Government force integration as during the prior school year. At a press conference, he said that one possible measure his Administration would submit to the Legislature involved troops, and that closing the school in the event of forced integration was another. The consensus of several Little Rock attorneys was that one Supreme Court justice could vacate the stay, presumably falling to Justice Charles Whittaker, who had responsibility for the Eighth Circuit while the Supreme Court was in recess. Justices also had the prerogative, in particular cases, to refer the matter to the full Court for determination on a stay.
In London, it was reported that the boss at the Tower of London had confessed to Scotland Yard this date that he had deliberately set off the burglar alarm to see how well England's Crown jewels were being safeguarded, and said he was delighted that it it worked extremely well. When asked by Scotland Yard why he did not warn them that it was only a practice, he responded, "What's the use of having a test if it's not carried out properly?" The Louvre might henceforth want to follow that same standard.
On the editorial page, Walter Lippmann, continuing the theme of Joseph Alsop on Monday and Wednesday and Doris Fleeson on Tuesday, regards the speech recently on the Senate floor by Senator John F. Kennedy, critical of the Administration's foreign and military policies, not adjusting properly to changing conditions vis-à-vis the Soviet Union but rather continuing to rely on deteriorating nuclear superiority to afford a deterrent against a first-strike nuclear attack while not regarding other alternatives than either complete surrender or total war. He made reference to public statements by generals which had indicated that the United States would face a "gap" in nuclear superiority and a "missile lag" between 1960 and 1964, when the Soviets would, based on estimates, have the power to destroy the U.S. Air Force and devastate "85 percent of our industry, 43 of our 50 largest cities."
The speech had been applauded by
Democratic Senators who had taken part in the debate, but was
attacked by Senator Homer Capehart of Indiana, objecting to it on the
ground that with such public exposure, Senator Kennedy was selling
America short and giving aid and comfort to the Russians. (Query whether the "American Fact-Finding Committee" recalled the charge by then-former Senator Capehart, when it paid about $1,500 to place in the Dallas Morning News, with offices immediately overlooking Dealey Plaza opposite the Texas School Book Depository, a full-page ad on November 22, 1963, accusing the President of being soft on Communism, or whether did some other person or organization which had printed and posted mock wanted-flyers
Mr. Lippmann finds the charge easily disposed of because the speech contained nothing which could be news to the Russians and had not been publicly set forth many times previously. The most notable occasion had been on January 23 in the unanimous report of the so-called Preparedness subcommittee, chaired by Senator Lyndon Johnson, which had heard from some 70 witnesses, interviewed some 200 experts and heard about 7,000 pages of testimony, reporting the Soviet lead in ballistic missiles and in the number of submarines and that it would soon surpass the U.S. in manned bombers, that "the Soviet Union has a system which enables it to develop new weapons in substantially less time than the United States" and that "the Soviet Union is producing scientists and technicians at a rate substantially greater than our own country." If that were true, the lead of the Soviets would only increase and the "gap" would not be closed.
He regards as perhaps the most important question raised by Senator Kennedy to have been why, with the subcommittee report having been produced, he had not delivered the speech before August 14, at the very end of the current session. That which had taken place between January and August had been the failure to respond to the alarm by both parties and there was no discernible difference between the attitude of the Administration and that of the Democratic opposition in Congress. A few Democratic Senators had made speeches which were on record, but the party as an organization had reacted to the warning just as had the President, with indifference.
The bipartisan reaction to the discovery that the Soviets were forging ahead in the race in armaments had been governed, Mr. Lippmann observes, by the human propensity to prefer a disagreeable fact still in the future to a disagreeable remedy available in the present. The "gap" would not begin, based on the estimates, for at least another two years, and the remedial measures to cope with it could have been set forth in the current session of Congress. But the bipartisan leadership had avoided the disagreeable remedies, hoping that the alarming predictions of Senators Kennedy, Stuart Symington and Henry Jackson, as well as by columnist Joseph Alsop, would not come true.
He indicates that he was unaware of any agreed program even as to what the disagreeable remedies were. Senator Kennedy had made a few suggestions, but he offered no program, and although the Democratic opposition had been critical of President Eisenhower, there was no alternative Democratic program before the country. He believes that it was because the actual problem could not be overcome by a spending program alone, given the greater speed of Soviet technological development. The so-called "missile lag" was essentially a weakness in U.S. education and a lack of seriousness in American national purpose, when there was a choice between private pleasure and the public interest. "We are in competition with a new society which is in deadly earnest, and there is no use pretending that with our comforts and our pleasures, we are serious enough." He concludes that it was why, when the alarms were sounded, "we turn over and go to sleep again."
The alarm is coming to our head
tomorrow at noon at our new residence. We may not sleep
As we have fallen behind, there is no further summary of either the front page or the editorial page this date, with the summaries to be sporadic until we catch up.
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