![]()
The Charlotte News
Wednesday, July 9, 1958
FOUR EDITORIALS
![]()
![]()
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that House investigators had developed this date that Bernard Goldfine was entertaining a group of business associates at New York's Waldorf Astoria Hotel in 1954 when Sherman Adams was also his guest there. Mr. Goldfine, who was in trouble with the Federal Trade Commission at the time for violations at his mills of the wool labeling act, had sworn that Mr. Adams did not come to New York by prearrangement to meet with him and his business associates, that he had just happened to be in the city and had accepted his hospitality at the hotel. In explaining the $1,600 bill he had gotten from the hotel, part of it for entertaining Mr. Adams, Mr. Goldfine said that he had invited about seven or eight people with whom he did business and that they were not in political life. Mr. Goldfine's testimony had been delayed for a day by the subcommittee because he had lost sleep after the discovery of a bug in his aides' hotel room and the theft of some of his personal papers from his secretary who was staying in the room. At the outset of this date's hearing, Mr. Goldfine and his attorney, Roger Robb, had agreed that some records demanded by the subcommittee chairman, Representative Oren Harris of Arkansas, would be supplied. Mr. Harris also asked Mr. Goldfine to tell of 33 names which the subcommittee had put in the public record the previous week. The subcommittee had said that the list included persons who were in the White House and Congressional offices to whom Mr. Goldfine said that he had sent checks at Christmas time. Mr. Harris noted that some people on the list had denied getting any money. He said that he thought an explanation ought be given sometime during the morning regarding those alleged gifts. Mr. Goldfine had drawn a larger audience to the hearing than had Mr. Adams when he testified the previous month. The 400 seats were taken well before the start of the hearing, and Congressmen and their wives sat in extra space behind the subcommittee rostrum. Others with perhaps less pull stood in the farther reaches of the room.
In New York, former President Truman, returning from a European vacation, said this date that it was up to the President to decide whether to fire his chief of staff, Sherman Adams. The former President said: "The Government would be in a bad fix if he loses Adams—he's running it, you know." Mr. Truman repeated the substance of a statement which he had made in Cannes, France, to the effect that "the facts speak for themselves very eloquently" and that public reaction would be felt in the midterm elections in November and two years hence in the presidential election. Someone had brought up the name of Maj. General Harry Vaughan, Mr. Truman's former military aide who had come under fire during his Administration for having received from an influence-peddler mink coats and deep freezers, distributed as gifts to various White House and Congressional wives by General Vaughan. Mr. Truman said: "There wasn't anything crooked about General Vaughan. He was viciously abused. They were trying to get at the man in the White House. Vaughan was my military aide and that's all. He had nothing to do with running the Government." He went on to opine that a code of ethics was not necessary for Government officials, that a "person who is fundamentally honest doesn't need a code of ethics. The Ten Commandments and the Sermon on the Mount are all the ethical code anybody needs. You can't serve two masters at once." He was asked whether he had found any ill feeling toward the U.S. abroad and stated that he never had been treated more cordially in his life, that he had eaten himself through the Riviera and never found any sign of ill feeling toward the U.S., but had been there as a retired farmer from Missouri, not as an official. He said that he and his wife Bess expected to remain in New York for two or three days for a visit with their son-in-law, Clifton Daniel, and daughter, Margaret, and their new baby son.
In Ottawa, the President told the warmly applauding Canadian Parliament this date that Canadian-American bickering could not stand in the way of the "winning of the global struggle" against Communist imperialism. Members of the Senate and House of Commons, many of whom had been critical of U.S. policies, especially in the economic area, had beat their hands on their desks. Both the President and Prime Minister John Diefenbaker, who had introduced the President, agreed that the Soviet economic and political menace was as great as the Soviet military threat. The Prime Minister called for a free world offensive of "new and challenging policy in the economic field designed to extend a measure of prosperity everywhere." The President had conceded that there were frictions between the two countries and had received loud applause when he expressed the belief that "we will find an acceptable solution." He said that it would take understanding, common sense and "a willingness to give and take on both our parts." The Parliament had interrupted his address on ten occasions with applause and the traditional desk-thumping. The House chamber and its galleries had been filled and Mrs. Eisenhower looked down from a gallery. A crowd of about 1,000 observed and applauded as the President rode up to Peace Tower, the entrance to the Parliament Building. A few moments earlier, he had laid a wreath at the War Memorial at the foot of Canada's Capitol Hill. In contrast with unresponsive turnouts on his arrival in Ottawa the previous day, about 10,000 persons had gathered in the square around the memorial to watch the colorful ceremony, giving the President a warm, friendly hand. He said: "All that we Canadians and Americans, and those who went before us, have built, all that we believe in, is challenged as it has never been challenged before. The new horizons of competition range from the polar areas and extend to the infinity of outer space. It is for us to bring to the challenge a response worthy of ourselves and our nations." It was a far cry from the current stupe in the White House who wants to make Canada the 51st state and has undertaken a trade war with the world, including the country's neighbors, all inuring to the detriment of the average American consumer, now paying more for certain goods, such as coffee, soon, once the tariffed goods hit inventory, to be substantially more for a wide range of goods. What a dope.
The Senate this date unanimously approved the President's nomination of Arthur Flemming to be the new Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare.
In St. Louis, the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals indicated this date that it would rule before the fall school term on an appeal from a District Court decision suspending desegregation at Central High School in Little Rock, Ark., until the beginning of 1961. As indicated, the decision in late August would reverse the District Court's decision, and that would be affirmed by the Supreme Court in late September, reinstating the original District Court orders of 1956 and 1957, that desegregation was to proceed forthwith.
In Guantánamo, Cuba, it was reported that U.S. Vice-Consul Robert Wiecha planned to return to rebel country this date and said that he had hopes that some of the 30 remaining U.S. servicemen being held by Fidel Castro's men would be released by nightfall.
In Beirut, a band of armed men had attacked the apartment of the son of President Camille Chamoun with small-arms fire in a four-hour gun battle the previous night, with witnesses indicating that the son and his wife had not been injured.
William Pollock, general president of the Textile Workers Union of America, proposed in Washington this date a Federal development agency to revive the ailing textile industry.
In Oak Ridge, Tenn., a blue flash, a strange sweet odor and the clanging of alarm bells were signals which warned eight atomic plant workmen that something had gone wrong where they were working on June 16. The men had evacuated the area immediately, but not before they had been exposed to an overdose of radiation from a nuclear reaction. The matter had occurred as a chemical operator transferred some enriched uranium from a small drum into a larger one. There had been no explosion, but the Atomic Energy Commission said that there was an instantaneous emission of radiation. Tests indicated that five of the men had suffered dosages sufficient to cause some damage to their bone marrow and three others had received lesser amounts and were released from a hospital on June 26 after showing no ill effects from the exposure. The five men who were more seriously exposed were still being observed at a hospital, all reported as being in satisfactory condition.
In Antonito, Colo., it was reported that rescue teams had moved this date along routes above and below a man trapped on a narrow shelf of rock where he had been for five days. One group at the base of towering Conejos Canyon had found the body of the trapped man's companion on Tuesday. But winds and the heights above them had kept them from undertaking new efforts to reach the stranded man, even by helicopter. The two men had been returning from a fishing trip when they apparently had fallen from a perilous mountain trail five days earlier, with the man on the ledge being 600 feet from the bottom of the canyon. One man had lowered a rope to the stranded man's side the previous day and gave him food and water for the first time in four days. The rescuer volunteered to join the stranded man despite the danger of jagged rocks cutting into the rope which supported him. The Army helicopter had flown into the area with a three-man mountaineer crew but the rescue attempt had been turned back by the turbulent air in the canyon, 35 miles west of Antonito.
In Westcliffe, Colo., it was reported that the walls of a mine had collapsed and trapped two men nine feet underground 12 miles northeast of the town the previous day, with both men being found dead by rescuers.
In Alexandria, Egypt, a multimillion dollar fire had broken out in lumber stores the previous night and had quickly spread to neighboring shops and houses, forcing 20,000 persons to leave their homes.
In Santa Fe, N.M., guards had fired a teargas bomb into a dormitory for teenage convicts of the state penitentiary the previous night and broken up what officials had called a minor disturbance.
In Greenwich, Conn., more than 80 children had been tossed into Long Island Sound the previous day by a sudden squall which had disrupted a sailing race and overturned nearly 40 boats. All of of the children had been rescued.
In Beaumont, Calif., three fires believed to have been set by an arsonist had roared through the San Bernardino Mountains this date, routing summer campers and destroying hundreds of acres of watershed.
In Baltimore, it was reported that boys were allowed to go on exploration trips to faraway areas such as the South Pole and a 12-year old girl, a self-styled tomboy, had decided to take matters into her own hands as to why girls were not allowed to do so as well. She wrote the Navy Department and asked to go along on an exploration trip to the Antarctic, listing her qualifications, which included "sewing on popped-off buttons, sewing up holes in clothing, peeling potatoes and running machines that aren't too complicated." She added that "Russia hasn't sent any children to the South Pole so that would put us ahead of them in that category." To the surprise of her parents, she had received a personal reply from Rear Adm. George Dufek, commander of the U.S. Naval Support Force in Antarctica, saying: "We do have a need down in Antarctica for someone who can sew on popped buttons and fix up holes in clothing, but the people who run the Navy won't let us take little girls down there. I guess they think it's too cold and too far from home and school. You said something about Russia not getting ahead of us. I'm sure that no country will ever get ahead of us as long as we have young people like you who are willing to do the hard and thankless jobs and who need nothing fancy." The girl's mother was asked what would have happened had the Navy given her daughter permission to travel to Antarctica, saying that she would have allowed her to go, provided she had a proper chaperon. She and her husband, an electronics engineer, had gone along with their daughter's scheme, apparently believing that the letter would not get very far. The girl admitted that she had "fussed a little" over the refusal but then had decided it was for the best, that there were about ten other things which she wanted to do when she grew up and finished school.
Representative George Shuford of North Carolina, who had been partially paralyzed since May 25, said in Washington this date that he believed "the public was informed I was a seriously sick man after a neck operation in Asheville on that date." His comment had been in response to an editorial in a North Carolina weekly newspaper that news of his condition had been suppressed by Asheville newspapers prior to the Democratic primary—as covered further in an editorial below. Mr. Shuford told a reporter that his doctors never had referred to his condition as a stroke or as resulting from a stroke. His family and office aides had referred to it as a slight stroke because of the paralysis. The doctors referred to it as residual paralysis caused by an operation on the large artery in the left side of his neck. His wife said that in North Carolina, they had told people that he was very sick and had a growth removed from his neck, that they had not gone into the details but had also not deceived the public, that he was walking and showing steady progress in the use of his arm, that it had only been seven weeks since the operation and he anticipated full recovery.
Ann Sawyer of The News reports that Weimar Jones, the outspoken editor of the Franklin Press, a weekly newspaper, said that it was up to the Western North Carolina Press Association to decide whether "the facts of the situation as we now know them" warranted action in the matter of Mr. Shuford's condition and whether the daily newspapers around Asheville had misrepresented it to readers. In a front page editorial the previous week, Mr. Jones had said that the voters had been deceived purposely and deliberately, as the evidence suggested the seriousness of Mr. Shuford's illness. Mr. Shuford had won the May 31 Democratic primary. A meeting of the Western North Carolina Press Association had been called for Saturday evening in Asheville to discuss the charges. When asked by the newspaper if he personally would call for an investigation, Mr. Jones had said that he was going to the meeting and let nature take its course, that he did not know what he would do until he got there, that he would probably call for an investigation if nobody else did, but he thought somebody would. He said that the temper of the meeting would determine his actions, that he was not going to try to force anything down anyone's throat. (That is good, because at the S & W Cafeteria, where the meeting will take place, some of the food, especially the candied yams and corn, can be mighty hard to swallow. We still wonder why some of them were K & W and others were S & W, but we leave it to the more industrious sleuths to determine the distinction.)
John Kilgo of The News reports that Police Chief Frank Littlejohn had released more evidence this date disclosing irregularity in the City Recorder's Court, including a statement signed by a Gaffney, S.C., man saying that he had paid a bail bondsman $110 to take care of a reckless driving charge, and another case involving a receipt for $50 signed by suspended police Capt. Lloyd Henkel, money supposed to go to the Charlotte Police Club, the receipt having been dated June 15, 1953, and the chief indicating that the Police Club had never received the $50.
On the editorial page, "It's To-and-Fro on the Commission" finds a to-and-fro rhythm on the County Commission regarding the fluctuating salary of the County welfare superintendent. In less than two years, the Commission had raised the salary in 1956 to what it thought the superintendent was worth, had cut it back because the raise exceeded the state-imposed maximum, had asked the state to raise that maximum, and had refused, when the state raised the maximum, to raise the salary back to the level which it had originally set in 1956.
During that time, one commissioner who had voted to raise the salary in 1956, voted against going back to the figure, while another, who had approved the raise in 1956, now abstained from voting because he served as the Commission representative on the County Welfare Board, which had been trying to get the 1956 salary restored.
It suggests that it was the Commission's responsibility to set the salary but that it seemed that it ought to move with some consistency in its personnel practices or at least state its reason for not doing so.
It finds it strange that the Commission declined to pay an official in 1958 what it thought that person was worth in 1956, particularly after going to the trouble to win the State's approval of the 1956 figure. It also did not understand why a commissioner by reason of a seat on the Welfare Board and thus ideally equipped to vote on the question, declined to do so. That it was beyond reckoning was probably the way the Commission wanted it.
"Editor Jones Demands All the Facts" indicates that the 12th Congressional District in North Carolina was home to Representative George Shuford, the Franklin Press and its editor, Weimar Jones, and the Asheville daily newspapers.
Mr. Jones had just lambasted those dailies for what he called a failure to report fully the facts concerning an illness of Mr. Shuford while he was standing successfully for renomination in the recent Democratic primary. The allegation was that Mr. Shuford was much sicker than the Asheville newspapers had said and, with the 12th District voters dependent on those papers for the pertinent facts, had misled the voters when they did not report the pertinent facts.
It indicates that it knew nothing of the merits of the controversy but did know that Mr. Jones normally acted conscientiously rather than out of spite and was doing something he would prefer not to do, as it would not be pleasant for him to criticize his professional colleagues in Asheville and place them in an equally unpleasant position.
Regardless of the merits, North Carolina journalism was well off in having practitioners such as Mr. Jones, interested in the responsibilities of the press as well in its constitutional rights, having given the state an exceptionally strong weekly press. It hopes that no daily newspaper would be immune from his criticism as it knew none which could not benefit from his backtalk.
"Beauty and the Beastly Season" indicates that after six weeks of court scandals, municipal muddling and assorted political bombast, the coming of the beauty queens to Charlotte was as welcome as mint in a julep. At least for a few days, Charlotte would have a substantial corner on the world pulchritude market.
Miss America, Marilyn Van Derbur, Elaine Herndon, Pat Willingham and a new crop of North Carolina's fairest damsels would be present at one time in Charlotte.
The North Carolina Beauty Pageant was a welcome attraction since Charlotte's entertainment during the summer was almost completely bare of real excitement. Outdoor dramas, open-air concerts and other hot-weather extravaganzas no longer brightened the dog days. The roller derby had been the season's only new entry.
The beauty pageant was a pleasant possibility for adding to the culture and it congratulates the Jaycees for their vim and vigor in staging it. While the girls were present, it suggests that the admiration be suitably emphatic, and the court scandals, etc., would keep until they could be given full and undistracted attention.
"They're Off & Running! But Are They?" indicates that in the 10th district Congressional race in North Carolina, it was only July and both incumbent Representative Charles Jonas and David Clark, his Democratic challenger, were already mounting their respective stumps with a studiously impersonal doggedness which could only become a bit frayed by November.
Mr. Jonas was running against "wild spending", while Mr. Clark was running against "the Republican Party". It suggests that it could be months before they began running against each other.
It was all in the tradition of the district and uncommitted voters would simply have to grit their teeth and bear it, that earnest debate would need to take place before the campaign could have any real meaning for the average citizen. Both candidates, despite what some of the oddsmakers said, had major tasks ahead. Mr. Jonas had to re-inspire his Democratic following in a rough year for Eisenhower Republicans and Mr. Clark had to find the Holy Grail of party unity in a district where more value had been placed on personality than on politics.
It concludes that when each decided to get down to cases, the campaign would have really begun, and it would nudge the reader when that took place.
A piece from the New York Herald Tribune, titled "Who's Who?" indicates that it did not know who anybody was in the literary world at present, that when it finally learned that Patrick Dennis, author of Auntie Mame, was actually Edward Everett Tanner III, he had begun writing under the name of Virginia Rowans. John Foster, author of a recent political jest, had turned out to be, not John Foster Dulles, but Foster Furcolo, Governor of Massachusetts. A. A. Fair was actually Earle Stanley Gardner, which it finds fine.
But now had come two startling revelations. Amanda Vail was actually a man whose name was Warren Miller, which he placed on some of his other books. To top it off, Pearl Buck had admitted recently that she was also John Sedges and had penned five novels under that pseudonym. "If Pearl Buck isn't Pearl Buck, who is Ernest Hemingway, really? And William Faulkner? Who was Harriet Beecher Stowe?"
Ms. Buck had adopted her pen name so that she could write novels about America and break the Asian mold with which she was identified. It finds it a lesson for Shakespeare doubters, that the truth was that when Shakespeare wanted to try his hand at the essay form and break from the rut of history and tragedy, he had written under the name of Francis Bacon.
Drew Pearson indicates that the road from Damascus was a winding highway which looped around hills and threaded its way through countryside resembling New Mexico, that fast-driving Arab chauffeurs and plodding camel caravans made the trip last anywhere between four hours and four days. Almost every boulder along the roads leading to Damascus was steeped in history, and now the history upset the Eisenhower Doctrine as disastrously as the armies of Mohammed had upset the armies of the Crusaders along the road between Damascus and Lebanon.
Thousands of rifles, machine guns and guerrilla fighters were being smuggled into half-Christian Lebanon from Moslem Syria, with the arms originating in part from the huge store which Russia had supplied to the United Arab Republic to bring Lebanon into the orbit of the Soviet Union and UAR Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser, as well to show up as phony the Eisenhower pledge of aid to pro-Western nations attacked by outsiders.
American prestige in the Middle East had sunk to a new low, as had the word of U.N. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold, who had recently announced that there was no real evidence of Nasser-Syria infiltration of the Lebanese border.
From unimpeachable intelligence sources, the column had been able to secure the facts on the manner in which the Lebanese border had been made a literal sieve. On May 12, Louis de San, the Belgian consul-general, had been caught on the Syrian border, with his car loaded with 33 machine guns, 15,000 cartridges, a bomb with an automatic detonator, 28 revolvers and various ammunition. He also had secreted on his person a letter to a Syrian agent with instructions for the bombing of three main streets in Beirut and the presidential palace.
On May 28, a truck had been caught near Tripoli coming from Syria, containing 88 Bertha mortars, one anti-tank gun, 60 cases of hand grenades, 22 rifles marked "Syrian Army" and 28 boxes of Bertha ammunition marked "Egyptian Army".
In January, 1958, two Syrians, Ahmed Kassim Al-Juju and Jasfar Al-Juju, had been caught sending explosives to Mohammed Kassim in Hirtaal, Lebanon. The latter had confessed that the explosives had been intended for use to blow up Government headquarters at Baalbeck, and later they had been blown up.
On May 3, 200 Syrian Army conscripts had crossed the border and occupied a village. When driven out by the Lebanese, they had entrenched themselves in the hills and fired continuously.
On May 15, several hundred Syrian soldiers had occupied another village and destroyed all communications.
On May 18, the chief of the Socialist Party in Lebanon had met with Syrian leaders in that same occupied village and later recommended to his Lebanese friends in nearby villages not to oppose invading Syrian troops.
On May 10, Syrians had crossed the border and bombed the Lebanese customs house at Masnaa, killing six Lebanese officials.
On May 15, three jeep-loads of Syrian troops had raided the Lebanese customs house at Dabbousi, set it on fire and also burned the police headquarters.
In 1957, Hassan Khalil, the Egyptian military attaché in Beirut, had been caught with a large amount of arms in his car. It was found that he was supplying arms to a terrorist gang which was responsible for blowing up the Iraq Petroleum Company's pumping station at Tripoli, the British school at Shinlan, the S.S. Norman Prince, the St. George's Club, the British Bank of the Middle East and the Port of Beirut.
He concludes that it was just a small part of the evidence available to Dr. Hammarskjold, despite which he had claimed there was no real evidence of Syrian-Egyptian penetration of Lebanon.
Doris Fleeson suggests that the hearings on Bernard Goldfine and Sherman Adams were a boon both to the President and the Democratic Congress because they cloaked the dull end of an undistinguished and generally unproductive two years of the 85th Congress.
A target date of August 15 had been placed for adjournment and in the interim time, the President would receive in some form his Pentagon reorganization measure, reciprocal trade and foreign aid. Appropriations with election-year largess would pass, even though they would be accompanied by a bill to raise the debt ceiling. The prospect for anything controversial was very uncertain, including the moderate labor reform bill.
Republicans were sullen and Democrats believed they could ride the existing trend back into office with increased Congressional majorities in the midterm elections. Those capable of being embarrassed by a poor record of achievement hoped to wipe out its memory with some kind of program, though achieving that in the conservative-dominated committees was not quite clear.
A little noted casualty of the difficulties of Sherman Adams were the Presidential appointments to the independent agencies, with those made not moving and those normally cleared through the office of Mr. Adams having slowed to a crawl. The White House had tacitly acknowledged that it did not care to tangle with Congress on the issue when the President did not press Admiral Lewis Strauss to remain as chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission. He had felt obliged to retire because of his great differences with Senator Clinton Anderson of New Mexico, who would be chairman of the Joint Atomic Committee for the ensuing two years. The President had picked as his successor a Republican with a record of congenial and cooperative service at the Pentagon under President Truman, John McCone, who would not meddle in politics as had Admiral Strauss. Mr. McCone had many friends among Democrats ready to smooth his way. Admiral Strauss would remain as advisor to the President on international atomic matters, but the advice of Secretary of State Dulles would dilute his influence. And Congress could be expected to turn to Mr. McCone to second-guess both.
For more than five years, Mr. Adams had been securing policy changes in the independent agencies by appointing only those commissioners whose views reflected his own. An outstanding change caused by the controversy with Mr. Goldfine was in the Tennessee Valley Authority, where two vacancies during the year had given the Republicans promise of control at last of that five-man agency. But the names sent to the Senate remained in the Interior Committee files and no hearings had been held. Committee members said privately that none would be and that the President would have to start all over in the new Congress against a reinforced Democratic majority. It would remain hard for pro-TVA Senators to win, but they were sure that their chances would be greatly improved in 1959.
She concludes that events unforeseen at present could determine what would occur in 1960, but if the President could not produce leadership and Senator Lyndon Johnson's leadership in the Senate continued to concentrate only on technical victories with a general hostility to new ideas, chances were that the country would turn to the governors with hopeful if not wild surmise as the 1960 battle took shape.
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, suggests that Sherman Adams was guilty of nothing but being a little dumb in his recent problems of currying favor from his old friend Bernard Goldfine. He says that one did not implement favors for peanuts, unless you were Lamar Caudle or John Maragon, the latter being the influence peddler at the White House during the Truman Administration, or former President Truman's military aide, General Harry Vaughan. He says he would want more than a rug and a couple of nights in a hotel for his trouble.
Nevertheless, he finds the dumbness of Mr. Adams to be inexcusable and believes he had lost his usefulness to the President for being silly enough to take a mild free load, friendship or no friendship with Mr. Goldfine. He also asserts that White House press secretary James Hagerty's arrogant negation of whether Mr. Adams had or had not accepted the carpet and the vicuna coat had done little for Mr. Hagerty's reputation.
He asserts that influence-peddling was one of the most overrated commodities in the political zoo, that those who went into it in a major way were not simple enough to buy favors with a lousy deep freezer or six free nights in a hotel, that the fix was long-term and not purchased for peanuts.
He says that there were some small people who believed that a few drinks, a free meal or a trip to some movie location in Pago Pago could buy an opinion favorable to the hustler from a reporter, and indicates that maybe in some cases it could. But he knew editors and publishers, as well as reporters, who had accepted a junket to places, drunk booze on the house, fed and slept for free and who had returned "to belt the brains out of the product of the poor public relations boys they thought they were selling. Or else wrote nothing at all." He indicates that you could not buy a man's brain or influence with a drink, a necktie or a carpet, not if his brains or influence were worth purchasing.
He says that he did not go on junkets anymore out of boredom and that when a press agent was hustling him, he picked up the check. It was a matter of personal pride and very often he would do anyway what the other person wanted him to do if it was worth doing. He knew that no one had bought him even a martini's worth of influence.
For the same reason, since he had quit the military when the war was over, he had never used U.S. PX facilities overseas, while many foreign correspondents still bought the easy bourbon, cheap cars and golf clubs and all the other goodies available abroad in profusion.
He says that there might be a time when one wanted to bust a general or turn up a deal and if the reporter had been living off the general's bounty, as in a case he could remember very well, there was nothing the reporter could do but protect his host. He had figured that out when he was 25, when people would send him a bad blend of Christmas whiskey in the mistaken belief that it would sway public opinion. He says that perhaps his opinion could be swayed under a lifetime expectancy of 12-year old scotch, a few Rolls-Royces and a stated amount sent to a numbered bank account in Switzerland, plus a share in the overall looting, but no one would buy him for a rug or a coat or free trip to Jones Beach.
He indicates that it was possible that Mr. Adams and Mr. Goldfine were actually friends, indicating that he had been dispensing free booze, transport, food, conversation and even clothes and game trophies to people for years and had never asked for anything in return. "But this still doesn't take Adams off the hook for being dumb. There are two parties in this country, and the outs own special radar to seek a flaw in the conduct of anybody who's in."
A letter writer says he had enjoyed the July 4 editorial page with the recital of the nation's freedoms and hopes, equality of people under the law and that the country was living under a system of laws and not of men. But, he finds, freedom did not mean license and the Bill of Rights did not license a person to be destructive. He finds that the many statements which had been made about the City Recorder's Court appeared to invite the chaos of license instead of freedom and that no one could blame the officers of the court for seeking to protect the court. He finds from the newspaper that a man, who had been twice given an execution date only to be delayed on appeal, until finally another man, a former patrolman, had confessed to the killing of which the man had been convicted, had been finally freed. He says that capital punishment was on the wane because nearly all who were so punished were the poor and the society's sense of decency and equality of justice, combined with a sense of brotherhood and mercy, were bringing about the abolition of capital punishment. He believes that courts ought be guided by the observance of the two greatest of all laws, the love of God and the love of one's neighbor, as stated by Jesus to the lawyer in Matthew 22:34-40.
A pome appears from the Atlanta Journal, "In Which Is Contained Comment Concerning The Current Trend in the Movies:
"Actresses devoid of shame
Seem to get there just the same."
Such is the case with fame,
Be it notoriously or not gained.
Though, to keep the tiger tame,
The unjust always get their just
blame.
![]()
![]()
![]()