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The Charlotte News
Monday, July 28, 1958
THREE EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from London that Secretary of State Dulles had assured the Baghdad Pact nations this date that the U.S. would act, even at great risk, to safeguard their independence and integrity against any threats. He made the comments by way of addressing the first session of the Baghdad Pact Council which had begun in Lancaster House, absent Iraq, where the recent coup had taken place. His statement was made during a survey of the Middle East scene, in the course of which he had set forth the significance of the U.S. military landings of the Marines in Lebanon. The significance of those landings, he said, had gone far beyond the immediate situation inside Lebanon, that the events there had to be related with events inside Iraq and a conspiracy inside Jordan against the life of King Hussein. He said that there was no doubt that the Lebanese civil war had been fomented from outside the country, that the U.S. had not publicly revealed all of the evidence because it wanted to protect sources of information. He said that the pattern of conspiracy in Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq posed several questions, whether the U.S. would be loyal to a friend in need, would be deterred by a fear of general war, whether the U.N. would be capable of quick, effective action, and whether Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic would be allowed to carry through with his ambitions without check. The Secretary's remarks, made as an observer, had been relayed to reporters in a briefing after the morning session. British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan had opened the morning session with the declaration that the Pact's four remaining members intended to maintain the aims of the alliance, saying: "We have all suffered a great loss in the violent deaths of His Majesty King Faisal [of Iraq] and of our other staunch friends and allies. We intend to maintain the aims of our alliance and to consider how to do this in the light of the present situation."
In Beirut, it was reported that a U.S. Marine spokesman had said this date that a private first class, who had been fatally shot the previous day, had been killed by the accidental discharge of a companion's .45-caliber automatic pistol. He said that four Marines were on an unauthorized visit to a cluster of houses half a mile forward of the Marine position at the time of the incident. One of the Marines had been climbing over a wall when his .45 apparently had snagged and the bullet went through the holster into the head of a man standing below. The three surviving Marines were being held for investigation and had requested counsel before making a statement. Under the U.S. Uniform Code of Military Justice, men under investigation were not required to make a statement without the advice of counsel. Since the Marines had landed in Lebanon on July 15, three other U.S. servicemen had been killed, all accidentally. American troop commanders were on the alert to watch for trouble during the week when Lebanon's 66-member Parliament was scheduled to elect a new president. Robert Murphy, the U.S. top diplomatic troubleshooter in Lebanon, had been conferring with rebel and Government politicians in the hope of helping them agree on a compromise candidate. If a candidate acceptable to both sides could not be found, however, the virtually stalemated rebellion might again erupt into new violence.
In Amman, Jordan, the British Embassy had disclosed this date that the U.S. Air Force the previous night had begun airlifting supplies of ammunition from Cyprus for British troops in Jordan, with an Embassy spokesman indicating that a dozen C-119 Flying Boxcars had been involved.
In Nicosia, Cyprus, the July death toll had climbed to 84 this date in another day of killings, with official figures placing the number of Greek Cypriot dead at 39 and Turkish Cypriots at 43, with two British soldiers also having been slain.
In Algiers, Algerian Nationalist rebels had killed at least four persons and injured 37 others in terrorist attacks during the weekend.
In Tokyo, it was reported that Foreign Minister Aiichiro Fujiyama had said in the Diet this date that Japan would file a strong protest to the U.S. and seek appropriate compensation for two Japanese Coast Guard ships and crews reportedly exposed to radiation outside the Eniwetok danger zone, where the U.S. had conducted nuclear testing.
In Lydenburg, South Africa, it was reported that the trial of 201 Africans, including 25 women, charged with murder, arson and incitement to riot, had begun this date, the Africans all being members of the Bapedi tribe, which had rioted the previous May.
In Caracas, Venezuela, police guards had been strengthened around the U.S. Embassy this date after Ambassador Edward Sparks had received a written bomb threat.
In Buenos Aires, Argentina, rampaging waters which had brought one of the worst floods in the city's history had begun to recede this date after leaving thousands homeless, with three persons having been reported lost as rescue workers toiled through the night shuttling victims from their flooded homes.
In Louisville, Ky., an estimated 10,000 workers at the General Electric plant had been idled this date as a local of the International Union of Electrical Workers had set up picket lines at the plant's entrance, in the largest single strike of the city's history.
In Union Point, Ga., a 26-year old man had been shot and killed this date when, according to police officers, he had attacked a police car with a steel chair.
In Wilmington, N.C., it was reported that a Coast Guard plane and boat had hunted an area of 1,000 square miles of ocean this date for a Rowan County carpenter missing from a capsized outboard motorboat, searchers indicating that they had been unable to find any clue of the missing man, 30, who had disappeared on Saturday night between Bald Head Island and Carolina Beach. Another man, 32, had been picked up by the Coast Guard and had been wearing a life jacket. He said that the other man had with him a buoyant gas tank when he was tossed clear of the motorboat when it capsized. The pilot of a search plane early on Sunday said that he had seen a number of sharks break water in the area.
In Charlotte, it was reported that four persons had been injured this date in a gas explosion, three of them being workmen for a Charlotte construction firm engaged in placing water lines in the area, and the fourth having been an observer, an operator of a nearby dry-cleaning establishment. The Charlotte Water superintendent said that one of the injured workmen had entered a brick structure being constructed about 6 feet underground to house waterline valves, that the structure was dark and that natural gas had seeped into it, exploding when the worker lit a match. He had been the most seriously injured of the workers, suffering second and third degree burns, admitted to a local hospital. The other three men had suffered only minor injuries.
John Kilgo of The News reports that there was a strong but still underground movement to oust Police Chief Frank Littlejohn. Members of the City Council contacted by the newspaper, however, said they had heard nothing about it. There were also reports that a person or persons involved in the current investigation of the City Recorder's Court had raised a fund to be used in the campaign against the chief. Attempts to confirm the reports had been unsuccessful. One report said that the fund had raised $5,000. There were no indications of how the backers of the movement planned to use the money, since only the City Council could dismiss the chief.
Ann Sawyer of The News reports that a Mecklenburg grand jury was expected to receive during the afternoon a lengthy State Bureau of Investigation report on the alleged irregularities in City Recorder's Court. SBI agents awaiting their appearance before the grand jury had been silent during the morning, but the SBI head, Walter Anderson, said from Raleigh that the report for the grand jury was completed and that it was his understanding that the lengthy report would go to the solicitor who would present it to the 18-person grand jury. The solicitor said that the report would be given directly to the grand jury and not to him.
In Cleveland, O., it was reported that a visitor from Philadelphia had gone to police headquarters to report the theft of his car, that as he and a friend had driven away from the station they had spotted an automobile which looked familiar, gave chase, forced it to the curb and it turned out to be the man's vehicle. While his friend collared the 17-year old who had been driving, the owner anxiously opened the trunk to find untouched a paper sack containing the man's $1,000 in vacation money.
In Paris, it was reported that the wife of a French big game hunter was obtaining legal separation from her husband because he insisted on having his pet panther jump into the bed with her early each morning. She said that she remained friendly with both but that her husband liked the panther better than her. The panther had gotten loose a year earlier on a street on which was located Harry's New York Bar, where Americans often sought solace in drink, the panther spreading near panic, causing for the ensuing several days liquor sales to drop. The wife said that life had become impossible, that she liked to sleep during the morning, but the panther was an early riser and jumped on the bed and all around the bedroom furniture, made worse by the fact that her husband then romped around the bed with it. The couple had been married in 1952, primarily because they shared a passion for horses and hunting, and the panther had entered their lives in April, 1957 when they captured it during a trip to Africa.
In Carthage, Mo., it was reported that a man had wanted to find a commercial use for the hedge apple, but the Government had stepped in to stop him. The man, a 40-year old stone cutter, thought that he would try boiling the fruit and his experiments had led him to believe that from a ton of hedge apples, he could obtain 67 pounds of vegetable oil, 24 pounds of an anti-oxidant compound for use as a food preservative, 309 pounds of high protein dried pulp good for cattle feed, and 20 gallons of ethyl alcohol. Being a good citizen, he informed the Federal Government about the alcohol, which he said he had not been seeking. The Government could not understand what he was doing and he believed they thought he was some type of bootlegger and so confiscated all of the alcohol, dumped out all of his experiments and told him he could not do any more experimenting under any circumstances, taking all of his equipment, including his wife's pressure cooker. The Government then sent him a bill for $111.53 in taxes on the alcohol he had produced. That had been about two years earlier and he said that he was still sparring with the Government, with one assistant U.S. Attorney having said that he had caused him more trouble than any man he had ever dealt with. The man's friends had carried the story to Representative Charles Brown of Missouri, whose protests had drawn, among other things, a suggestion that the man's difficulty had stemmed from failure to qualify in a lawful manner as a distiller, advising that he post a bond. The man had received a letter from the regional tax office in Omaha, advising that the bond should be at least $5,000 or $10.50 per proof gallon for any alcohol produced in a 15-day period. The Government had sent a report that his alcohol had tested at 157.9 and 126.8 proof. He did obtain the return of his wife's pressure cooker. He said that if he had it to do over again, "Darned, if I wouldn't keep my mouth shut about it until I had it done."
In New York, it was reported that, as mass gatherings often did, the convention of 180,000 Jehovah's Witnesses had brought out pickpockets, with police having arrested four men on the charge at Yankee Stadium and the Polo Grounds the previous day, three of the four having previous arrest records.
The Associated Press reports that a woman who had walked down a Baltimore street wearing a chemise dress had attracted the attention of another woman sitting on the front steps of her home, who then started humming a song called, "No Chemise, Please". A battle between the two women ensued and the singing woman had lost a portion of her right ear. In court the previous day, the woman who had bitten off the portion of the ear pleaded guilty to a charge of mayhem, but vehemently denied a charge of disorderly conduct.
In Washington, it was reported that the Defense Department had announced the development of a tether which enabled a man on the ground to lead a hovering helicopter around as if it were a kite, the purpose being to permit precise hovering operations where the pilot could not see the ground directly below.
A Washington cabbie had found a purse containing $2,000 in cash just after he had discharged a female passenger. He retraced his path and found her standing in the middle of the sidewalk, bewildered at losing her recreational club's funds. She did not provide him with any reward, the cabbie indicating that she was so flustered that he guessed she had forgotten.
A man threatened to commit suicide after a proposal he had made had been spurned, telling the woman that she had better get out of the car for when he got to the second bridge, he was going to drive off. She had not, and he did plunge the car 20 feet into the San Gabriel River bed. In addition to being coated with mud, the man was treated for a broken arm and the young woman, 19, for a scalp laceration.
Though each of the latter four stories are branded "The Brighter Side of the News", we are not so sure that any of them are really that funny, that is, unless perhaps you are a member of an organized crime outfit and find a lot of such circumstances very funny.
On the editorial page, "Luther the Lionhearted & the Dragon" finds that Governor Luther Hodges was a man of infinite confidence. Six months away from his last General Assembly of 1959, he was threatening to introduce "probably the most ambitious program" of his Administration.
In normal times, a governor's last legislature was a kind of glorified nap-time, and in one sense, the Governor was already a political lame-duck and the legislators would like him to bear that in mind. The climate was seldom favorable for what the old pols enjoyed disparaging as "new nonsense".
But the Governor had already served notice that he intended to buck the trend and pursue his new program vigorously. Yet he would have to slay the dragon which was legislative apathy. There was much legislation which needed to be enacted and it would require all the craft and cunning the Governor had at his command to accomplish.
He had already mentioned the likelihood of new taxes. The question of constitutional revision loomed larger and cast a longer shadow as the state's 1868 Constitution was a horse-and-buggy instrument, unsuited to the needs of modern state government. It urges that it ought be redesigned and that certain preliminary steps ought be taken in the upcoming General Assembly. By the following February, when it adjourned, a state constitutional commission would have had ample time to study the problem and make its report to the Legislature. Court reform would necessarily be a part of any constitutional revision and would require special attention and special courage, with the details to come later when Mecklenburg State Senator J. Spencer Bell's study committee would complete its historic survey and recommendations.
Legislative reapportionment would also require attention, with the Governor having spoken bravely of it in the past while some of his personal solutions, for instance the suggestion that each county be limited to one Senator, had been less than adequate. The ideal of fair representation had to be achieved without more deliberate dawdling on the part of political "bunko artists".
The state still needed a minimum wage law. A 55-cent minimum, which had been supported by the late Governor William B. Umstead, had been passed by the State Senate in 1953 but had died in a House committee. A similar bill had met a similar fate in 1955, despite the support of then-Governor Hodges. A 75-cent minimum wage had passed the Senate in 1957, but the House had again killed it. It finds it a sorry record which needed to be set aright in 1959.
It says that there was more to do than there was space to list the items, including that the lines of authority in State-supported higher education needed untangling, that the Legislature ought scrap its needless secrecy rules, that the State needed a mechanical inspection program for motor vehicles, a withholding system for State income tax, better treatment facilities for the mentally ill, improvements in public education and so many other things that it would test the mettle of a progressive Governor.
"Mount your charger, Sir Luther. The dragon went that-a-way."
"The Post Office Gets a Move On" indicates that the local post office had apparently made great improvements in mail service, which was welcomed, especially given that a few weeks earlier, it had been announced in Washington that Charlotte needed a new post office building, with the hint that it would be done provided the Postmaster General got an increase in the postage rates.
The need for a new building had surprised many local residents who had managed to get in and out of the existing building without being hit by falling timber or loose masonry, but the same people also would have agreed on the need for faster service.
The acting postmaster said that delivery time for first-class mail from Charlotte to Atlanta and New York had been reduced by a full day and, similarly, that incoming mail was also receiving faster delivery in the city. The increase in speed came from changes in transportation and sorting procedures, with other improvements having been made and the post office having invited complaints about service as a move toward achieving and maintaining a high level of efficiency. It finds that it was good public relations by the post office, especially when the price of stamps was about to increase.
"Here's How the 'Economizers' Operate" indicates that the House Appropriations Committee had cut more than a half-billion dollars from the Defense Department construction request the previous week, which it finds to be a remarkable display of stern concern about "luxuries" at military bases at home and abroad.
But it had neglected to pinch pennies regarding its own comfort, citing as an example the 1.25 million dollar project for construction of two new underground railways between the Senate side of the Capitol and the two Senate Office Buildings. For years, a two-car monorail system had carried Senators to and from the old office building, a distance of only 700 feet. When a second building had been started some 1,300 feet away, architects had merely to extend the old line to the new building, but the Senate decided that a separate non-stop line to the new building needed to be built, and also had authorized that another was to be built to the old building.
In addition, the New York Times had reported that the price of the two railways did not include the cost of four new cars which would be specially built to the Senators' specifications.
It concludes that it was no wonder that the House Committee had to economize on Defense Department expenditures.
A piece from the Manchester Guardian, titled "Potoooooooos", indicates that a correspondent had often marveled at the ingenuity of people who named racehorses, recently looking through an index of the fifth edition of the late Joseph Osborne's Horse-Breeders Handbook, startled to come across the name of a stallion bearing the name in the title.
At first, it was thought that it might be a compositor's pun on the word potatoes, but it was soon discovered that elsewhere throughout the book the name was printed "Pot8os", apparently how the famous horse, which Mr. Osborne had described as the best racehorse ever to run to his time, had gone through life, having gotten the name for having once traveled in a van labeled "Pot8os".
The horse had been born in 1773, sired by Eclipse from the broodmare Sportsmistress, had won 35 races out of 46 before retiring to stud at Eaton Hall in 1784. There, in Cheshire, it had sired no fewer than 165 subsequent winners, before dying at Hare Park, near Newmarket, at the age of 27 in November, 1800.
Drew Pearson indicates that the President was not the only one whose advisers had misgivings about a summit conference before the U.N. Security Council, as reports from Moscow from usually reliable diplomatic sources indicated that Premier Nikita Khrushchev also had some disagreement inside the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Some of the Soviet Premier's critics had advised that he not go to New York but that he insist instead that the summit be held in Geneva. Mr. Khrushchev, however, had shouted that idea down and accepted going to New York, first because he had always wanted to visit the U.S. and second because he believed that a trip to the U.N. would solidify his position at home. He still had opposition from those who disagreed with his farm and industrial policies, as well as a long list of persons he had ousted from office.
The debate as to whether the President had or had not been pushed into a summit conference by the British would probably continue indefinitely, even among the historians, but he finds one thing definite, that the President was not happy about the prospect of facing the adroit leader of the Communist world before the U.N. Security Council, far different from the secret talks at the Lake Geneva summit conference in the summer of 1955. The press, television, the inquisitive public, the bitter Arab leaders and the moralist Prime Minister Nehru of India were either not present or were in the background at the prior conference, where the conversations were not only secret but leisurely. Russia, not the U.S., had been on the defensive.
This time, however, the President, who was a military man and not a public debater, trained to give orders from a military maproom and not debate world issues before television cameras, would have to stand up against the battery of skilled debaters, orators and Arab nationalists, far different from his White House press conferences where most of the newsmen were friendly and the President could always shut off debate or choose to ignore a questioner. Because of that status, Secretary of State Dulles, a lawyer trained in quick repartee, had suggested that after the opening speech by the President, he would take over while the President sat back. Vice-President Nixon would also be delighted to fill in for the President and bear the brunt of the debate, eager to have a chance to tangle with Mr. Khrushchev, which would help him politically.
But the President was not going to duck, believing that the world would consider him a coward if he sat back and let others handle the talking, which was why the State Department had immediately given the cue to U.N. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold to hold as much of the debate as possible behind closed doors.
Marquis Childs, in Paris, tells of the European allies being hopeful for a U.S. policy in the Middle East, believing that the way out for the U.S. troops in Lebanon would be a declaration of that country's neutrality, serving to assure not only the Arab states but uncommitted nations everywhere that the U.S. was not seeking to force any power to be aligned with one side or the other, also clearing the way for the U.N. to approve of a force to take over from the U.S. Marines.
He indicates that it was essential to act before the Marines were frozen into immobility in Lebanon, the result of which, from the European view, with Lebanese discontent with such an occupying force only bound to increase, would be incidents of terrorism and sabotage causing disastrous hatreds on both sides.
At the crossroads of the great trade routes, the Lebanese had learned by devious and subtle methods through the centuries how to frustrate the invaders short of actual war.
The consequences in neighboring Iraq would be equally serious, as the new Premier, Brig. General Abdul Karim el-Kassem, had not thus far indicated any intention to ally with Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser, to the contrary making every effort to assure the West that Iraq's oil would continue to flow and that it still considered itself a member of the Baghdad Pact. But if there were several months of U.S. occupation of Lebanon, with the resulting frictions and hostile propaganda coming out of it, Premier Kassem would be expected to join Premier Nasser in the United Arab Republic.
In the first steps toward neutralization of Lebanon, the French Government of Premier Charles de Gaulle, which had decided against participating in any intervention in Lebanon, could therefore be useful as a mediator.
There were obstacles in the way of such a small and modest step toward ending the continuing retreat of the West before a force which could not be suppressed by tanks and planes. Neutralization of even such a small country as Lebanon would mean for Secretary of State Dulles an admission that the Eisenhower Doctrine was invalid in the face of the type of rebellion which had overthrown the Government in Iraq and had left Lebanon torn and divided. But the general opinion in Paris was that the Eisenhower Doctrine was, regardless, as nearly as outmoded historically as the Crusades.
The willingness to neutralize one Middle Eastern country suggested that the whole area eventually might be neutralized, but it was less problematic than the spread of Nasserism in its present virulent form. Iraq was the only Moslem member of the Baghdad Pact which was presently in a dubious position, with a new Government which had come to power by destroying a Government which had first aligned the country with the Western-inspired Pact.
The most serious obstacle, he posits, to any successful withdrawal from Lebanon was the involvement of the British in Jordan, where British pressure had begun to keep American forces in Lebanon as long as the British troops had to stay to maintain King Hussein in power. Prior to the occupation, King Hussein had only the most limited support in Jordan, but presumably he could be sustained as long as the British troops remained. But if they were to withdraw, no one could predict what would occur. The King had been the uncertain heir of Britain's Arab policy during and after World War I, and could become in the near future an acute embarrassment.
But there would soon be embarrassment and worse all around if an acceptable and workable plan for withdrawal was not found. Europeans were aware of what the U.S. reaction would be, with an election soon to occur, were the Marines still in Lebanon. Premiers Nasser and Khrushchev would be the only beneficiaries of such a stalemate. In the West and in the Middle East, it would compound the disillusion and distrust just beneath the surface of the outward harmony.
Doris Fleeson tells of the difficulty in finding out news about the Middle East crisis, that neither the White House nor the State Department had been helpful. There had been no press conference or even a briefing at the State Department since the Marines had been sent to Lebanon. Secretary of State Dulles had been helping to compose a letter to Premier Khrushchev regarding the proposed summit meeting, and then had been seeing the French ambassador and the Prime Minister of Ghana, finally taking off Saturday to explain everything to West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer in Bonn and, in London, to the Baghdad Pact nations, except for Iraq. Officials at the Department, as were reporters, were studying the newspapers, foreign and domestic, and talking with foreign diplomats, arriving at impressions which were generally sound as they were very experienced and knowledgeable people.
The Pentagon was not permitting press conferences either, though it was holding briefings, albeit by junior staff officers of the Joint Chiefs and nothing said could be attributed to anyone. Some old-fashioned reporters boycotted that type of information, though she suggests that if there were any justification for it anywhere, it was in the military realm.
She imparts that what was new was that the U.S. moves were still being treated as purely a military command decision as the crisis entered its third week.
Joseph Alsop indicates that Republicans were relieved that the Middle East crisis had, for the moment, taken the spotlight off White House chief of staff Sherman Adams, with the prevailing sentiment being that he would go when the time would come.
The impression was growing that the White House might view the eclipse as an excuse for retaining Mr. Adams, and that impression had been strengthened by the recent praise of him by members of the Cabinet, prominently having come from Secretary of Commerce Sinclair Weeks. But that was now seen as preparation for the departure of Mr. Adams with honor.
The decision that he would have to go had certainly been made by Mr. Adams, himself. Those who would know had said that the President had been more upset by the Adams matter than by anything which had happened during his Administration, and according to the same sources, the President's distress had been so great that it would be better for the President if Mr. Adams were to go, despite his unprecedented reliance on him as the "assistant president". But there was too much between them, for instance, the recollection of the time when Mr. Adams had spent nights on end on a cot outside the fearfully ill President's hospital door after his September, 1955 heart attack, and thus the President felt he had to leave the decision to Mr. Adams.
He finds that the whole Adams matter had been badly handled, including the President's statement about it, indicating that he needed him, apparently inserted by the private advisers of Mr. Adams over the protests of press secretary James Hagerty. The disclosure of Mr. Adams, himself, of what he had received from Bernard Goldfine, his old friend, had been incomplete, and he said that there were no suits, when it turned out that there were two of them, while petty, a matter which had stuck in the public mind. He had said that he thought the hotel rooms which he occupied in Boston, paid for by Mr. Goldfine, had been a permanent apartment maintained by the latter, when it turned out that it involved several rooms all over the Sheraton-Plaza Hotel, and there were other rooms in New York as well as in Washington, in the latter at the Mayflower Hotel, including $200 worth of meals, drinking and lodging.
It was that sort of petty stuff which would count in political campaigns, the second reason why Mr. Adams would definitely be departing. No practical Republican leaders supposed that Iraq or anything else would make the Democrats forget about the matter, especially if Mr. Adams remained in the White House. Every practical Republican expected a setback during the midterm elections, with some predicting such losses as to leave the President almost as impotent as had been President James Buchanan in his last four months in office, just as the Civil War was brewing in the wake of the election of President Lincoln. Mr. Alsop suggests that if there were such a setback, and Mr. Adams remained, he would be partially blamed by all. One Republican Senator had asked, "So how the hell can the little guy talk to any of us after that?" in reference to Mr. Adams.
The third reason he would have to go was the effect of any other course on the standards of conduct in the Government for the acceptance of gifts by highly placed employees in the White House, including the secretaries to Mr. Adams. The latter could not be fired as long as Mr. Adams was not fired, but if their conduct was allowed to establish a precedent, it would be proper for any secretary in any part of the Government to accept Christmas checks from businessmen or politicians or even newspaper reporters. Mr. Goldfine had sent out checks to those staff employees he believed were needy at Christmas.
He concludes that the case for Mr. Adams departing was too strong and he apparently knew it and was ready to go, even if temporarily being out of the spotlight. He was likely wise enough to realize that his present obscurity was only temporary unless he chose permanent obscurity in private life.
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