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The Charlotte News
Thursday, July 24, 1958
FOUR EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the President this date had written a new message to Premier Nikita Khrushchev insisting that the ground rules be spelled out clearly in advance of any U.N. summit conference. U.S. officials had said that it appeared certain that the meeting would be held, but that the view in Washington and in other Western nations was that the opening day suggested by Mr. Khrushchev, the following Monday, was too soon. Diplomats estimated that it would take two or three weeks of negotiations to determine exactly what countries ought be included in the meeting and what procedures ought govern the discussions. Nothing quite like the proposed historic conference had ever been held at the U.N. Security Council in New York, with recognition of that precedent reflected in a statement at a press conference by Senate Republican minority leader William Knowland of California, that the free nations ought not accept any conditions by Mr. Khrushchev which would weaken the U.N.
The Government had started planning the extraordinary security measures to be taken to protect Mr. Khrushchev's life if and when he arrived in New York. State Department security agents would cooperate with the New York City Police Department in handling what was considered the most challenging security task ever faced in modern history in connection with the visit of a foreign dignitary. New York Police commissioner Stephen P. Kennedy had assured the State Department that the 22,000 New York City policemen were capable of coping with the task. Those planning the security measures believed that their biggest problem might be from an insane fanatic rather than any of the anti-Russian political and refugee groups. As an initial step, the head of the State Department security field office in New York had met the previous day with New York police authorities. The chief of the Department's division of physical security would direct the Federal Government's role in the security network. At present, there were no plans for calling out Army troops or Marines to bolster the security forces which would guard Mr. Khrushchev. White House press secretary James Hagerty said that he knew nothing about a published report that 5,000 Marine Reserves would be called up for guard duty. Some military forces might help at the Soviet leader's arrival, depending on whether his jet plane landed at Idlewild Airport or nearby Maguire Air Force Base in New Jersey. Authorities said, however, that troops already at Maguire and those who guarded a special section at Idlewild undoubtedly would be sufficient to handle the arrival of Mr. Khrushchev. The only reinforcements presently envisaged were six U.S. Marines who would help guard the headquarters of the U.S. delegation at the U.N., that detail, however, being normally assigned for such international conferences. Secret Service agents would also be brought in on the security planning to make sure that it meshed with their assignment of protecting the President, but the main task would be borne by the New York police force.
The House had swiftly passed and sent to the Senate this date a compromise defense reorganization bill containing most of the provisions requested by the President. Prompt Senate passage was expected to send the measure to the President for his signature. The House had acted by voice vote and without opposition after a short debate, with only 50 members on hand at the time. Representative Carl Vinson of Georgia, chairman of the Armed Services Committee, had told the House that Senate and House confreres who had worked out the compromise bill were in unanimous agreement. Representative Leslie Arends of Illinois, the senior minority member of the Committee, said that the bill was "in complete accord with the wishes of those who sponsored the legislation originally." The bill had been approved the previous day by Senate-House confreres, embodying much, but not all, of the President's sought authority to reorganize the Pentagon. In a statement issued shortly after the confreres had approved the bill, the President said: "Except in relatively minor respects, the bill adequately meets every recommendation I submitted to the Congress on this subject. It is my conviction that the armed services committees of both houses have done a praiseworthy job … and that the result for America will be a more efficient and more economical national defense." The bill accomplished what the President had advocated to clarify the command of the President through the Secretary of Defense, over Army-Navy-Air Force-Marine task forces in the field. But Congress, traditionally insisting on preserving the identity of the separate services, did not provide the Secretary of Defense all of the peacetime power which the President had sought to tighten organizational control over the services. The Congress had also written in some provisions which it described as safeguards but which the President had criticized as being possibly obstructive. The measure had reduced the powers of the service secretaries and the individual military chiefs, providing a clear-cut command system for the type of forces most often used in modern warfare, teams composed of selected elements of one, two or more services.
In Amman, Jordan, official sources said this date that they had heard that Foreign Minister Khalusi Khairy, one of the Arab Union ministers who had been reported slain during the Iraqi revolt of the prior week, was alive in a Baghdad hospital.
In Tehran, Iran's royal court minister this date denied London newspaper reports that the Shah might marry the daughter of an Iranian oil official.
In London, it was reported that Britain this date had rejected a request that Turkish troops be sent to Cyprus to help maintain order, the request having been made in a cable from the leader of the Turkish minority.
In Beirut, Lebanon was reported to be asking the U.S. for 90 million pounds, the equivalent of approximately 30 million dollars, to meet its budget deficit, according to Arabic newspapers.
In Tokyo, it was reported that a new typhoon had arisen this date as the Philippines, Formosa and Japan counted at least 74 dead and heavy damage from two prior storms. The new typhoon was located 290 miles northeast of Guam, with 138 mph winds in its eye.
In Cape Canaveral, Fla., it was reported that the Air Force had said this date that initial attempts to locate a Thor-Able rocket nosecone and its mouse passenger had been stymied, but that the search continued. More than a dozen specially equipped telemetry ships and planes had pressed the search for the nosecone near Ascension Island, 1,000 miles off the African coast. The research report on the search progress had come some 50 hours after the mouse, Wickie, had been launched in an air-conditioned chamber inside the nosecone of the rocket. The mouse could provide a great deal of information about the perils of travel by man in outer space. The Air Force said that the rocket had performed satisfactorily, which meant that it climbed 600 miles above the earth, then angled over into a horizontal flight which reached 6,000 miles to the vicinity of Ascension Island. If the rocket's nosecone could be found, it could solve many secrets. Military men wanted to know if the cone could withstand the enormous friction it had encountered in reentry to the earth's atmosphere, and if so, whether it could be depended on to shield a hydrogen bomb in intercontinental flight in case of a war.
The Navy had awarded a 3.7 million dollar contract this date to Western Electric Co. in Winston-Salem, N.C., for weapons direction equipment. Senator Sam J. Ervin of North Carolina said that the equipment would be used in aircraft carriers presently under construction.
The cost of living had gone up 105 percent during the 20 years since 1938, such that on average, a person would pay $2.05 at present for something which could be bought for a dollar in 1938. When the cost of living index had been released the previous day by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, a request had been made by the press for the cost of living for the prior 20 years, which was provided, broken down into five-year segments. The data showed that from 1938 to 1943, consumer costs had risen by 23 percent, from 1943 to 1948, by 39 percent, from 1948 to 1953, by 11 percent, and during the previous five years, by 8 percent. But while the overall cost of living had gone up 105 percent in the 20-year period, some individual family budget items had not gone up that much while others had risen much more. For example, whereas the cost of gas and electricity had risen only a little over 11 percent, coal and fuel oil had risen by 129 percent. The cost of a pair of baby shoes had risen 171 percent, a new car, 125 percent, rent, 60 percent, and food, 151 percent. Hospital costs had risen nearly 300 percent, with doctor fees increasing by 84 percent, men's haircuts by 206 percent, gasoline by 69 percent, household appliances by 33 percent, newspapers by 124 percent, and movie admissions by 120 percent.
In Indianapolis, a family argument flared into motorized warfare the previous day, with the result that four persons, three of whom had been innocent bystanders, were in the hospital, and three automobiles were badly damaged. One man was in jail. A patrolman related that a 33-year old man was driving along the bank of White River when he suddenly stopped his car and began beating and stabbing his wife, already cut in the chest and one hand. She leaped from the car and ran screaming down the road with her husband driving in hot pursuit. Another motorist came along in his car and saw what was happening, opened his door to let the woman inside. The enraged husband swung his car against the other man's car, injuring the driver, his wife and daughter. The enraged husband's car then bounced against a third car driven by a 40-year old man. Meanwhile, the wife who was the stabbing victim took off on foot while her husband chased her and the man in the third car chased the husband, tackling him. About that time, the police came on the scene and the husband was taken to jail on preliminary charges of assault and battery with a motor vehicle, assault and battery with intent to kill, and failure to have an operator's license. All three members of the second man's family were in fair condition in the hospital and the wife of the enraged husband was in similar condition at another hospital.
In Gastonia, N.C., it was reported that a grieving woman, blamed by her husband for the drowning death of their 15-year old son, was held without bond in jail this date, charged with shooting her husband to death while he slept. The woman told officers that her husband had threatened her after telling her that she was responsible for their son's death. The son had drowned while swimming the previous day in Robinson Lake, west of Dallas, N.C. The woman said that her husband had come home from work and began berating her for allowing their son to go swimming, cursing her and threatening her by saying, "There's going to be more than one body in this house when Maurice's body comes home." The argument had continued most of the afternoon and into the early evening until the husband had gone to bed for the night, at which point the woman had obtained her husband's shotgun and fired once, killing him instantly. She would be allowed to leave jail in the company of officers to attend the double funeral services for her husband and son the following day. She told police that she had not known that her son had left the home to go swimming until she was awakened about noon and given the news of his death. The boy was believed to have been a good swimmer. He and several companions had slipped unnoticed into the far end of the lake, which was restricted for use by whites only, the boy and his companions having been black. The coroner said that no autopsy on the boy's body was planned and he was expected to rule the death accidental.
John Kilgo of The News reports that the mysterious George White case would definitely go to the county grand jury on Monday morning. Walter Anderson, chief of the State Bureau of Investigation, had told the newspaper this date that his agents had investigated the case and would present the circumstances which they had found to the grand jury. The case is further described in the first editorial of this date. When a reporter had asked Judge Basil Boyd of the City Recorder's Court about the case, he had not replied and continued walking. When he had been questioned by a reporter on Monday, he had said he had not taken any action in the case and was not sure he was going to take any.
In Kings Mountain, N.C., the postmaster indicated that his friends were mailing their Christmas cards at present, seeking to beat the August 1 deadline for higher postage rates.
In Long Beach, Calif., a newsman had sought the beauty secrets of women from foreign lands, with Miss Paraguay stating: "I don't use nothin'."
In Paterson, N.J., the switchboard operator at a hospital was startled to hear a man scream: "My baby! My baby!" An ambulance was dispatched, but later was called back, as the operator learned that "Baby" referred to his dog with an injured paw.
In Indianapolis, a man told police that a burglar had stole his pistol, but that what had made him really sore was that the thief tested the gun first by firing through a couple of expensive French doors.
In Philadelphia, a woman turned the 1957 telephone directory over to a phone company employee when he came to her home with the new edition. A few minutes later, bills in $10, $20, $50 and $100 denominations were fluttering along the sidewalk. At least $320 had been accounted for when the man of the house returned home and told his wife that he kept his $880 savings in the book.
On the editorial page, "Who Is Interested in George White?" indicates that the question had arisen—as shown by the front page photo of the pair of boxing gloves and a sign posted outside the solicitor's office following the altercation the previous day between reporter John Kilgo and a lawyer—as to who was really interested in the case of Mr. White, a black laborer who had gotten in trouble with the law and yet could not recall that he had ever gone to court or employed an attorney to represent him, despite his plea of guilty having been entered in the three cases charged against him.
It indicates that a newspaper attempted to publish not only what was interesting to its readers but what was important also, and that the peculiar plight of Mr. White, while perhaps not interesting, was important because the answers to the questions might indicate a lot about the administration of justice in the City Recorder's Court, where the problem had taken place.
That court had been under investigation for weeks, necessitating entry by agents of the State Bureau of Investigation, a grand jury probe, and resulting in suspensions from the Police Department, plus a City Council request for the Institute of Government in Chapel Hill to conduct a study of the court's procedures. It also compelled bail bondsmen to begin settling their forfeiture accounts and had caused profound suspicions to arise in the minds of many in the community.
While the White case might be another dead end, it had to be investigated. The man had said that he had been told by a bondsman to pay $220 down and $15 per week until he had paid the full amount of the bond and the bondsman's fee, totaling $440, in which case he would not have to report to court. He claimed that he had paid $360 since April 25 and did not have to go to court and could not afford to hire a lawyer. The law allowed for a person to enter a plea of guilty in the court only in person or through a lawyer, giving rise to the question as to who had entered the plea on his behalf, the defendant indicating that he did not know.
The Recorder's Court Judge, Basil Boyd, had not offered to refresh anyone's memory and yet his docket showed the guilty pleas and the warrants in the case carrying the judge's signature, though stamped, not signed.
It finds that it was in the judge's best interests that the truth come out, just as it would be in the best interests of the bar as a whole, the bondsmen, municipal officials and the community at large. As long as any mystery remained, many doubts and suspicions would linger in the public's mind, though they might turn out to be unfounded.
"Recount Questions Must Be Answered" finds the questions on the outcome of the constable election primary in the Charlotte Township to be serious, affecting the integrity of the vote in Mecklenburg County, necessitating serious attempts to answer the questions and prosecute any violations of law.
It already had been established that one person had sworn falsely to an affidavit on which the decision to conduct a recount was partially based, that person being guilty of perjury or, as she had claimed, had been induced to sign the affidavit by another who was guilty of fraudulent misrepresentation. It urges the authorities to take steps to establish the truth of the matter and act accordingly.
Also, from the fact that a total of 20 persons had sworn that they had voted for the defeated incumbent in one precinct, while the recount had shown that he only received 11 votes in that precinct, meaning that eliminating the false affidavit, there were 19 persons apparently swearing that they had voted for the incumbent, confirmed by the record, leaving the question as to whether some of those persons had sworn falsely, were bamboozled or that there had been tampering with the ballot box.
It urges that the questions had to be answered and steps taken to prevent such questions from arising in the future.
You think you have problems, wait until the year 2000 in Florida.
"Rain Dries up in an Adding Machine" indicates that it had read but seldom remembered the newspaper tables showing the amounts of rainfall during the current summer, that it was more pleasant to gather the information by reading leaves of grass, corn or oak trees, which were green and fat, with no edges drought-seared or crumpled. Fields were pleasant to the eye and their produce was good to the taste, with the trees providing abundant shade wherever they stood.
It finds that there was no need for statistics to see that there was enough rain and that perhaps the Weather Bureau ought not release the exact amounts of precipitation, for it was possible, in the absence of the statisticians and repositories of same, to experience a conversational rapture about the first really moist summer in several years.
"The shower at dusk does things that nothing else can do to the spirit of a tired and sticky human. Meeting his neighbor in the cool that follows the rain he may be moved to observe that 'this is the wettest summer in years, and it is wonderful.' This is fine provided the neighbor agrees. But if he should trample on all that jubilation by remarking that this summer is only .9239 inches wetter than a certain past summer, it is not so fine. This makes the rainfall a matter for consideration rather than a cause for exultation. All statistics—even statistics on rainfall—are dry."
It finds that ignorance could be bliss, if only a man could be allowed a little ignorance.
"'Catastrophe'" indicates that the Richmond News Leader had said that Ohio's Senator Frank Lausche probably in time would rank among the great Senators of the nation, that there would never be many because of the catastrophe of the 17th Amendment 45 years earlier, which made Senators directly electable by the people rather than by the legislatures as had been the previous practice. The News Leader had decided that the Amendment had made the first requirement of the Senator not to be a statesman but rather to get himself elected, "and the vices of popular election are such that mediocrity flourishes as brilliance declines."
The piece concludes: "That's democracy for you. It's democratic."
A piece from the Charleston News & Courier, titled "Poor North Carolina", indicates that the Charlotte News had recently asked the question editorially what was North Carolina's secret weapon, indicating that it did not know that the state had a secret weapon which gave it superiority over other Southern states, but the News had nevertheless insisted that the secret weapon was "one that no other state can hope to duplicate… Our secret weapon is the individual North Carolinian—more than four million individuals who know the true meaning and value of genuine hospitality and mutually beneficial cooperation."
The newspaper had admitted that its aristocratic neighbors to the north and south might be inclined to scoff, but that the secret of North Carolina's success was the individual Tar Heel.
It finds it interesting that the News had mentioned the possibility that South Carolina and Virginia might scoff at claims of a secret weapon, wonders why, if the state was so sure of its superiority, it was always looking over its shoulders to see if South Carolina and Virginia were smiling in amused pity.
"Honest to gosh, South Carolina wouldn't be so mean as to publicly pity North Carolina. And we are glad that the state which is proud of not being proud has what The News calls 'a mystical devotion to the University at Chapel Hill.' Why, Tarheelia needs every little ol' bit of mystical devotion it can drum up.
"What with no past to speak of in cities that have all the character and individuality of mail order house furniture, North Carolina desperately needs to believe it has a secret weapon. We are not so mean in South Carolina as to say a word in protest."
Drew Pearson indicates that the American public did not know it, but that all the previous weekend and early in the current week there had been more diplomatic arm-twisting, table-pounding and more due bills collected by U.S. diplomats at the U.N. than at any other time in the nation's history. The arm-twisting had been to drum up a two-thirds vote in the General Assembly to obtain a U.N. police force to take over for the Marines in Lebanon, and the vote-getting had not been easy.
From Latin America, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Venezuela, and Mexico had been cool to the notion, arguing privately that the good neighbor policy had become a series of visits by American bigwigs and they were tired of smiling faces behind champagne glasses lifted to toast an empty policy, pointing out that they were summoned by American-delegation office boys at the U.N. and told how to vote. They told U.S. diplomats that they were tired of voting on instructions from the State Department.
In Europe, the reaction of West Germany, an anchor member of NATO, had been grumbling against U.S. intervention in Lebanon, while Norway, Denmark and Belgium were irritated. The French, though in favor of the intervention, were unhappy over the fact that some 1,800 of their troops had been anchored off Beirut for almost a week, anxious to go ashore but unwanted.
The reaction from the Asian and African delegates had been that Japan, which the U.S. had depended on as its chief Far Eastern ally, had been on the other side of the Lebanese fence, while Saudi Arabia, which the U.S. had wooed and courted, sidestepped approval of the use of the U.S. Air Force Base in Dhahran and refused to send oil to Jordan, even though King Saud, less than a year earlier, had stationed his troops in Jordan to rescue King Hussein. Indonesia, India and most African-Asiatic states were against the intervention.
He finds that those facts indicated how badly American prestige had slipped, finding the reasons being that world leadership went to the strong and those who led, whereas for the previous ten months it had been obvious that the former U.S. scientific and military supremacy had shifted to Russia and its Sputnik program, able to test a long-range ICBM as early as May, 1957, whereas the U.S. ICBM, the Atlas, had an aborted launch at Cape Canaveral on July 19, the same day Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev was demanding a summit meeting in bulldozing language. A nation which was a leader could not wait but had to solve problems before they became acute, using imagination and inspiration, not relying on bluster and talk. He finds that the U.S. had been talking big and carrying a little stick, bragging about outer space but producing only a tiny satellite, talking about massive retaliation while conducting an agonizing reappraisal, when the world knew that the U.S. was not going to attack in any massive form with the atomic bomb and had now come to realize that the U.S. would have to undergo the reappraisal of its policy of brinksmanship. He posits that one policy which might have to be reappraised was that of policing the world on the other side of the world, the equivalent of Russia landing troops in Nicaragua, Guatemala or Mexico. There had been a time when the U.S. could do so without too much fear of the consequences, but Russia's intermediate range missile had changed that, as it now had those missiles in quantity whereas the U.S. did not.
He concludes that those were some of the reasons why there had been so much arm-twisting necessary at the U.N. to rally the country's old friends for a vote in the Assembly.
Joseph Alsop posits that the best measure of the Western defeat in the Middle East was the character of the remedies which were discussed between Secretary of State Dulles and British Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd. The U.S. Government had bought for the most part an idea which had always been popular in the British Government, that of using the oil-rich area at the head of the Persian Gulf as a type of desperate hole card in the desperate Middle Eastern game, superficially appearing attractive.
Even with no oil flowing from either Iraq or Iran, the entire British and Western European oil requirements could easily be met by the wells in the three smaller Gulf-coast sheikdoms of Kuwait, Bahrain and Qatar, all three of which were British protectorates, with Kuwait adjoining Saudi Arabia's eastern province of Al-Hasa, while Bahrain was just offshore. The vast majority of the oil wells in Saudi Arabia were concentrated in that single province, which also contained the Dhahran headquarters and refinery of the Arabian-American Oil Co. Thus, the Western oil-jugular could not be cut as long as the oil continued to flow from that single area at the head of the Persian Gulf.
Britain also maintained a considerable garrison in Bahrain, which was also the base for British Naval units operating in the Persian Gulf. The U.S. also had military forces in that area at the Dhahran airbase, close to Aramco's headquarters and refineries. Bahrain was the only part of the area which was inconveniently overpopulated, with Al-Hasa province all but empty except for the workers of Aramco, brought from all over the Arab world. The native population of Kuwait was only 35,000, although more than 150,000 non-Kuwaitis also lived and worked there at present. Qatar was a mere village sheikdom before the big oil strike. Even Bahrain had only at present a million people and although riddled with pro-Nasser sentiment, it had been calm since the Sheik of Bahrain had locked up the committee of Nasser sympathizers who had once led the agitation there.
The British idea was to hang on to the Gulf coast sheikdoms by military force if necessary, that presenting no great difficulty provided the most important oil producer was Bahrain, where British troops were already stationed. But the Bahrain wells were of minor importance while Kuwait and Qatar were the real prizes, with Kuwait by far the larger prize.
Foreign Secretary Lloyd had asked while in Washington for a promise of U.S. support for military occupation of Kuwait and Qatar, were agitation by the supporters of Premier Nasser in the sheikdoms to make that necessary. According to reliable sources, Secretary Dulles had at least three-quarters committed to providing the British moral support, provided the legitimate governments of the sheikdoms asked the British to aid them with troops.
That in turn had given special interest to the sudden appearance in Damascus of the present ruler of Kuwait, Sheikh Abdullah As-Sabah, apparently vacationing there when Premier Nasser had flown in from Moscow, thus producing a meeting between the two which might have been merely accidental. But taken in conjunction with the Sheikh's earlier visit to Cairo, it was "the sort of accident that makes you think,", as one U.S. policymaker had remarked.
Most of the real power in Kuwait was, however, in the hands of Sheikh Abdullah Mubarak, the uncle of Sheikh Abdullah As-Sabah, presently the acting ruler. It was thought that if the ruler, himself, strayed toward a deal with Premier Nasser, the acting ruler could be relied on to do whatever might be necessary.
Aside from the danger in Kuwait, the danger in Saudi Arabia could not be overlooked, where King Saud's virtual abdication in favor of Crown Prince Faisal had not stabilized the situation. A conspiracy by the supporters of Premier Nasser to seize control of the Arabian Government was just as likely as such a grab for power in Kuwait. If that danger materialized, the British would likely press the U.S. Government to try to detach and hold Al-Hasa province, appearing fairly feasible provided it would win the support of the virtually independent governor of the province, Sheikh Saud din Jaloui.
He concludes that there was only one difficulty regarding the Persian Gulf hole card, that in the present state of the region, the mere dispatch of British troops to Kuwait would have the approximate effect of a large bomb in a crowded movie house.
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, discusses the sinusitis recently reported to plague Queen Elizabeth, indicating that there was no real cure for it, though it could be relieved somewhat. "The head bones accumulate a slush fund, whether you got a deviated septum or not, and the holes in your cheekbones and over your eyes, whether you are dealing in sinus or antrums, get themselves full of gunk. This splits your head and swells your eyes closed, and all is not right with the world."
He indicates that his wife was going to write the Queen that sinusitis also affected the stomach and that doctors were wrong in putting the patient to bed, that the person should sleep sitting up because all the gunk flowed down into the stomach and caused gastritis plus shakes, aches and wobbly knees otherwise.
The condition, he suggests, could be blamed on the weather, nerves, the state of the nation or too much to drink or smoke, all of which was partly true and partly false, as he and his wife had simultaneous attacks when their personal behavior had been quite pure.
Thus, his wife was going to write the Queen to inform her not to listen to anyone who claimed that drinking or smoking or weather was the whole answer, citing Mr. Ruark as the example, having had the malady when he was eight, then untainted by either alcohol or nicotine.
He then adds: "Your Highness: Doctor Ruark will tell you one thing: It'll get worse before it gets better, rest isn't the answer, and all you can figure is that your head hurts just as bad as Mama's and mine, and in this respect, Your Highness, you ain't nothing but a commoner named Liz."
A letter from a couple indicates that they had read the articles in the newspaper concerning the recount in the constable's race, and believed that if the incumbent had sworn statements from 20 people that they had voted for him, when the tally had been for only ten votes from that particular precinct, the result had to be wrong, finding that something had to be rotten somewhere. They indicate that they had voted at Hoskins School, which did not have the incumbent on the ballot, and they voted for another candidate. They find that there were hundreds of people who had read the newspaper and were wondering what had occurred.
The editors note that an investigation by the newspaper on July 22 had shown that one woman who had signed an affidavit that she had voted for the incumbent constable was not registered to vote and that the other 19 actually had voted in the election.
A letter writer from Lexington, Ky., indicates that "mother love" was often spoken of by preachers, teachers and newspapers, but that there was not enough said about "father love". "A man who works and does all he can for his family has shown his father love. A man who dies to protect his family, as ancient men did, shows his father love. A man who dies rescuing children, his or others, from a fire, has shown his father love. A man who fights a murderer to protect his family has shown his father love. But the father who spends a lifetime in dull toil for his family has shown a father love close akin to that of a mother."
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