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The Charlotte News
Friday, July 11, 1958
ONE PLUS FOURTEEN EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that counsel for House subcommittee investigators looking into the Adams-Goldfine matter, had this date accused Bernard Goldfine of contempt of Congress after he refused to answer 23 questions about his financial affairs. The questions had been specially designed to prepare the way for a possible contempt action. Counsel for the subcommittee Robert Lishman, checking Mr. Goldfine's dealings with White House chief of staff Sherman Adams and the latter's attempts to gain favor for Mr. Goldfine from Federal agencies, charged that the latter was in contempt. The charge was not immediately acted upon, but subcommittee chairman Representative Oren Harris of Arkansas had taken steps toward citing Mr. Goldfine for not answering the questions which the subcommittee members deemed pertinent to their inquiry, designed to establish whether remedial legislation was necessary regarding Federal agencies. Mr. Goldfine had been asked particularly about financial matters in connection with his East Boston Co., a holding firm, and its subsidiary, the Boston Port Development Co., Mr. Goldfine indicating repeatedly that those matters had nothing to do with the House probe of regulatory agencies. Mr. Lishman said that he had refused to answer enough pertinent questions to establish in his judgment that the witness was in contempt, preventing the subcommittee from performing the responsibilities of remedial legislation to take care of the public interest. Mr. Goldfine had refused to answer questions concerning $305,684 in notes and accounts due to the Boston Port Development Co.
Gangster Tony Accardo refused this date to tell the Senate Select Committee investigating misconduct of unions and management whether he had directed the slaying of mobster underlings and rivals who had incurred his wrath, repeatedly pleading the Fifth Amendment against self-incrimination. The Committee, in this series of hearings, was investigating infiltration by the underworld into the Chicago restaurant trade.
The U.S. was considering 20 to 40 million dollars in emergency aid to Lebanon where rebels were threatening the pro-Western Government of President Camille Chamoun.
In Panama, it was reported that university students, who had openly opposed President Ernesto de la Guardia, Jr., had asked for a meeting with the President's brother, Milton Eisenhower, during a four-day visit which would begin the following day.
In Massena, N.Y., the President had stopped at the village this date to inspect the American portion of the billion-dollar St. Lawrence Seaway and power project.
In Nashville, it was reported that the Tennessee Senate, in a special impeachment session this date, had convicted a judge of Chattanooga on one of 22 charges, which meant that he would be removed from office. The vote had been 24 to 7, two votes more than the required two-thirds for conviction.
At Atchison, Kans., a storm with hurricane force winds had hit the northeastern section of the state early this date causing heavy damage at Atchison and Topeka, killing three persons.
In Regina, N.M., a State police flying squad this date had wounded and captured a bearded recluse who the previous day had slain two children. The 47-year old man, described as a "paranoid" who had once spent six months in an Idaho mental hospital, had been captured by six State police officers led by a sergeant, who had closed in on the hermit's camp at dawn. Through a bullhorn, the sergeant had shouted to the man to come out and throw down his gun. He had emerged in the road with his hands up, but with the rifle still with him. The officer again directed him to throw down the gun and fired a warning shot into the embankment, and when he did not comply, one of the officers had shot him in the foot—the correct way for properly trained law enforcement personnel to behave rather than shooting the man in the head or chest, likely to be fatal, as the first option which would inevitably occur in many jurisdictions today from the flying goon squads deployed with improper hair-trigger mentalities, given to "law and order" to the absurdest degree possible, the fascist degree. Regina was a tiny hamlet in the mountains about 100 air miles north of Albuquerque. About 100 men had surrounded the camp where the man the previous night had shot and wounded one of the posse members. The previous day, the man had shot and killed two children, ages 13 and 12, on the streets of Cuba, N.M., and had wounded the mother of one of the children. The heavily armed posse had been headed by the State police chief and included the local district attorney, game department officers, Indian police and about a dozen deputies from two counties. The bald, bearded man grinned as he chatted calmly with the four sweating officers who carried him down the mountainside after wounding him. He asked, "What were all you fellers doing out there?" to which one officer had responded that they were looking for him, prompting the man to say that he did not know what was going on, that he wondered what they were doing out there. One officer asked him how it felt to be shot and he said that it hurt, to which the officer said, "Well, there's two people that don't hurt anymore." The man had left his cabin at about noon the previous day and driven to the mountain town of Cuba, a farming village of less than 500 people, about 75 mile miles northwest of Albuquerque. Driving up to the front of a grocery store, he stopped and leveled his deer rifle across the car window. The grocery store clerk said that he thought that the man was just bringing his rifle in to pawn it, and then he had opened fire and the clerk had run out, seeing the little girl laying on the ground, whereupon the man had shot a little boy and driven away as if he were not in too much of a hurry. Those hunting guns, always necessary in the modern age for individual protection from the spacemen of Roswell. Just ask some of the Republican loony birds populating the House in 2025.
Near Hannibal, Mo., home of Samuel Clemens, seven persons, four of whom were children, had been killed this date in a collision of a car and a tractor-trailer truck in a driving rainstorm. Six of the victims had been pinned in the car, almost cut in half by the impact, with two of those pinned being women and three being children. The fourth child, about five, had been thrown from the car. All had been killed instantly except a girl about 14, dying while rescuers were attempting to extricate her from the wreckage. The tractor-trailer driver, 26, had escaped injury. Authorities said that the latter had told them that the car had gone out of control as it approached his truck on U.S. Highway 36, five miles west of the town.
In Asheville, it was reported that one man had been killed and two others injured in a freak accident at the American Cardboard Corp. plant this date, one man having been electrocuted when the current from a high tension line had jumped about a foot to a crane boom and from the crane to where the man was standing on wet ground about four feet away.
In Raleigh, police officers had arrested a youth suspected of being the nervous gunman who had earlier in the morning held up the Farmer's Market branch of a bank. The officers said that the boy, 17, was from Centerville, Va., and had in his possession a wad of money stuffed in his pocket when he was taken into custody in a wooded area about half a mile from the bank. He was described as dark-skinned, handsome and with black hair—obviously Elvis home on leave—, and was caught after the officers had surrounded a wooded area near the bank and pressed a search with bloodhounds in a helicopter. The officers immediately had taken him to the bank to see if employees could identify him as the bandit who had staged the hold-up earlier in the morning and taken $352, with stalling tactics of the bank manager apparently preventing him from getting a larger haul. The manager said that the boy had pulled out a big black pistol and said, "This is a holdup," that he was young looking and he had initially thought he might be joking and so stalled around for a bit, until he repeated that it was a hold-up and to give him all of the bank's money. The manager had suggested that they visit the vault, still stalling as he knew there was nothing back there. After finding the vault empty, the manager and the robber had returned to the counter where the boy told him to give him what he had there, at which point the manager told him to come and get it, the robber indicating that he should give him the money he had and place it on top of the counter, the manager telling him to pick it up himself, at which point the boy took the money from the counter and crammed it into his pockets. He said that apparently the robber was on foot and had fled along the edge of a nearby creek and disappeared into a patch of woods. The bank was located on Raleigh's northern outskirts. The manager had described the boy as looking about 17 or 18, about 5 feet, 9 inches tall, of medium build, wearing blue jeans and a red checked shirt, with black hair "some of it coming down in his face", dark skin and dark eyes, appearing to be sunburned. Elvis, even if a little shorter than usual, was, trying, you know, to promote again "Jailhouse Rock" to show his empathy for his saddened fans without much on which to survive while he was in the service. It'll all come out in the wash at the trial, and they'll find him not guilty, though perhaps a little AWOL, to be forgiven by the Army to avoid any bad publicity for the service. You know that they drafted him just to take him out of circulation at the height of his popularity, when he could have been champion of the world, to stop the rioting down there at cellblock No. 9?
In Los Angeles, the American Federation of Musicians this date had lost its jurisdiction in the major motion picture studios to the newly formed Musicians Guild of America.
In London, it was reported that singer Paul Robeson had received a hero's welcome in Britain this date on his first visit out of the U.S. after eight years without an American passport.
At Cape Canaveral, Fla., the Air Force continued this date a last resort search of the Atlantic for a top-secret nose cone which had carried a white mouse 6,000 miles through space, but chances of recovery appeared slim.
Julian Scheer of The News
reports again from Cape Canaveral on the launch he had witnessed two nights earlier of the Thor-Able missile hybrid, carrying Wickie the
mouse, one small step for mice and potentially a giant leap for men.
"A light breeze made the green, scrubby undergrowth dance, and
the sun still hung half-mast in the sky. Just eight miles away at
Cocoa Beach, three youngsters splashed in the muddy surf of the
Atlantic Ocean, while up the beach a five-year-old gaped as his
father showed him how to fly an old-fashioned box kite." He says
that from the observation post at 2,000 yards from the Douglas
Aircraft launching pad, fieldglasses had picked up men scrambling
over the scaffold-like gantry which supported the missile during
pre-flight preparations for the first real test of an ICBM, with the
missile aimed at a spot 6,300 miles down range in the South Atlantic,
significant because the Thor alone had traveled 2,500 miles, the
cruise missile Snark had traveled the full range of the date's test
but at 600 or so miles per hour and within the earth's atmosphere,
animals had gone into space straight up and parachuted down but
never tested under such intense heat and speed, upwards of 15,000
mph, and while re-entry of a nose cone was a reality with the
Thor, never at that speed, distance or altitude, 600 miles, or with
any living thing on board. Thus it was a test of distance, medical
knowledge of life in space travel and of propulsion, a combination
which would probably launch the first missile aimed at the moon the
following month. The countdown had begun but was abruptly halted as
something had not checked out. The public address system told the
story that the countdown was "holding", and until it had
begun again, which he recounts step-by-step until launch at 9:35
p.m., a strange silence had prevailed over the area and crickets sang
a weird song in the darkness
Mr. Scheer, as we have previously noted, would subsequently become NASA's public relations man during the Mercury, Gemini and Apollo manned space programs. They must have liked his written reports.
John Kilgo of The News reports that Police Chief Frank Littlejohn had asked this date that four more subpoenas be issued for suspended police Capt. Lloyd Henkel's Civil Service Commission hearing on July 14 to determine whether he should be permanently fired.
In Charlotte, it is reported that children in the city were probably feeling discriminated against because children in the county could purchase ice cream on the streets and they could not, as the courts had ruled during the week. A local ice cream man had been arrested for selling ice cream to a boy in the city on the street, was found guilty and fined $25 plus costs. He said that he knew that he could not sell ice cream in the city from his trucks unless an order had been placed for it in advance, not the situation in the county where it was legal. He said he had four trucks working in the county with regular routes followed every day. The previous day, their business had dropped off by about 80 percent in the wake of the court ruling, as the children had told his drivers that they could not buy ice cream from their trucks on the street because it was against the law, though not so in the county. The owner said that he received telephone calls from city people asking why he did not come around, explaining that he could not do so without specific orders from people in the city. He said that in the county, they had little groups of children on each street who gathered and waited for the truck. He said that he hoped that the people in the county would realize that they were not breaking the law when their children bought ice cream from the trucks. Those children in the city should migrate to Winston-Salem, where it is perfectly legal to sell from the ice cream trucks in the city, though we will not know of that for about another month and a half. Where we are still, they do not have ice cream trucks, at least not where we live out a ways from town, forcing us to cross the heavily traveled road, always accompanied by someone else, to purchase from the vending machines across the way that which is necessary to stay, you know, like cool, daddy-o, on a hot summer's day, while we take refuge in our tree, in which no one is, only out, as we watch the wheels roll by with the clouds extending out to the big sky.
On the editorial page, "A Sequence of Ten-Second Opinions" indicates that Noel Coward had once been prompted to observe that at such a time as the present hot days of July, only mad dogs and Englishmen went out in the noonday sun, that William Shakespeare had said, "This is very midsummer madness!" It thus decides that it should not run the risk of raising the humidity with editorial thoughts, lengthily expressed, as there were times when brevity was a blessing and levity a relief, thus provides a sequence of "ten-second editorials", refusing to get cosmic about anything this date. "Come on in and shop around."
"Under Cover" indicates that news that Charlotte had again been chosen as a site for the NCAA regional basketball tournament was worth a couple of cheers, finding that if Coliseum manager Paul Buck could just keep his hall from blowing its top again, as had occurred June 15, everybody would be set, as NCAA officials were kind of fussy about having their indoor basketball played indoors.
That is, except those rare instances where they played outdoors on an aircraft carrier. (We threw that in the hoop from afar in time to get somewhat cosmic on the matter.)
"Here's Our Man" finds that the year's happiest precedent had been set in Washington during the week at a luncheon honoring movie tycoon Spyros Skouras, "unsung doer of public service." It indicates that as was the custom at such affairs, the introductions, preliminaries and testimonials had dragged on until it finally had come to be the turn of the honoree to speak, at which point he rose, with his prepared text, and said: "It's so late. I'll mail you my speech." He then sat down.
It wonders why such a kindly individual could not be booked for civic luncheons to be held in Charlotte the following week.
"Savoy Blues" indicates
that Harlem's famous Savoy Ballroom would soon be closed, causing
jazz buffs to enter a week-long binge of nostalgia about it, as it
had been the hall which had nurtured jazz through the war, depression
and Lawrence Welk, only to surrender finally to rock 'n' roll.
"Battles of music" involving the bands of Chick Webb
"What bugs the hipsters most is the fact that the shrine is not merely disappearing but becoming part and parcel of Squaresville. The Savoy is going to be a supermarket."
"It All Depends" indicates that they were calling Yankee manager Casey Stengel a "genius" for summoning pinch hitter Gil McDougald from the bench for the hit which had won the current week's All-Star Game for the American League.
It suggests that had Mr. McDougald struck out, it would have been different, recalling the sunset wisdom of Grover Cleveland Alexander: "They're calling me a hero, eh? Well, do you know what? If that line drive Lazzeri hit had been fair, Tony would be the hero and I'd be just an old bum."
"Mice and Men" indicates that it had no idea about the thoughts running through the minds of either the technicians or the mouse involved in the week's launching of the Thor-Able at Cape Canaveral, but that poet Robert Burns had probably wrapped up their collective hopes and fears nearly two centuries earlier when he had written: "The best laid schemes o' mice and men/ Gang aft a-gley:/ An' Lea'e us nought but grief and pain;/ For promis'd joy."
"Musical Note" indicates that this date was the 21st anniversary of the death of George Gershwin and that someone ought arrange a memorial concert of his classics, that a suitable guest soloist might be Bernard Goldfine, who could sing "It Ain't Necessarily So" with genuine conviction, as he had been practicing it for days before the the House subcommittee.
"Title Change" indicates that the Democratic Congressional candidate in the Tenth District race, David Clark, according to the newspapers, was one of three persons granted a charter to operate Hope Springs Farm Co. in Lincolnton, that noting the report, and the three Democratic scalps already hanging on the belt of incumbent Representative Charles Jonas, the only Republican in the North Carolina delegation, the latter had said, "They ought to call that business the 'Hope Springs Eternal Co.'"
"Who's Colloquial?" finds an interesting sample of a clinker among the nuggets of wisdom offered by the lovelorn columns, one in which the columnist's sympathy had been with the complaint of a correspondent that his Southern-born sister-in-law offered to "carry" him home in her car, the complaint having been that it was an offensive "honey-dripping" colloquialism, that in plain English, she should have offered to "drive" him home in her car.
It indicates that according to its dictionary, the sister-in-law was guilty of nothing but correctness, as the first definition of "carry" was "to take from one place to another; transport, especially in a vehicle…" One had to go to the eighth definition of "drive" to find a similar meaning.
"Ducks or Cannon?" indicates that the previous Sunday afternoon, it had forsaken the gloom-and-doom dispatches of the weekend newspapers and taken respite in Freedom Park on a shady bench near the lagoon, spending around two hours watching children playing, parents resting, and "the duck population sailing along under blue skies and fleecy clouds". During the entire time, only one thought had occurred, thankfulness for the wisdom of the City Council in declining thus far to accept suggestions for making a war museum in the midst of such pastoral splendor.
"Big Hearing" indicates that the defense in the Civil Service hearing of police Capt. Henkel had subpoenaed 33 witnesses, while the prosecution had subpoenaed 25, for a total of 58. "Who said Charlotte didn't need a Coliseum?"
"Tickets, Please!" indicates that two little girls had toured a Charlotte neighborhood recently, offering tickets to an extravaganza to be produced at one of their homes, the tickets costing three cents each. But no money had been taken from anyone until they had attended the show. It suggests that the tiny confidence man, who sought to sell advance tickets to a lemonade pouring to be held sometime in the indefinite future, would question that strategy.
"Yank in 'Virginny'" indicates that it was puzzled by the excitement over the choice of Robert Stanton to play the role of General Lee in "The Confederacy", written by North Carolina's Paul Green for production at Virginia Beach. Mr. Stanton was from Wisconsin. It suggests that if Virginians could accept a "Yankee" Lee "in good grace", according to the Winston-Salem Journal, "the Civil War is over for sure, son, no matter how much fussing and fuming goes on over interposition and the like."
It finds that the choice of Mr. Stanton was anticlimactic, as the real shock was Virginia's desire to produce a Civil War drama authored by a North Carolinian.
"Never Happen?" indicates that in East Germany the previous day, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev and his puppet, Walter Ulbricht, had been denouncing Marshal Tito for his refusal to take orders from Moscow, while on the same day the previous year, Mr. Khrushchev had been in Czechoslovakia saying "our opponents very much want to subvert the unity of the Socialist camp and to split it apart … but this will never happen."
It concludes that apparently Mr. Khrushchev was standing behind the door when they parceled out the infallibility of Messrs. Lenin and Marx.
"Rapid Water" indicates that the Fire Department had been filling swimming pools for private individuals because it could do the job much faster than the owners, finding it neighborly, but wondering whether the Department would accommodate homeowners who wanted to have a fast April freshet hit their parched lawns around the middle of August.
Please, please, please don't ever do this again. It takes twice or three or four times as long to summarize 14 "ten-second opinions" as it does to summarize three or four three-minute or so opinions. But you have really no idea of that in 1958 or any idea that these opinions would be, somewhere down the line 67 years hence, revivified for new consumption in a new age, instructed or stupefied, depending on how you wish to use the technology and look upon it, by a convenient tool, albeit no substitute for thinking, reading and considered thought, certainly not one to provide "quick trials" or circumvention of the First Amendment Establishment Clause, as His Highness wishes to do to "restore prayer in the public schools", reading out not only the First Amendment but the Fifth, Sixth, Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments of our Constitution in his latest ukases and substituting therefor the infinite wisdom of His Majesty, the King of Madness, bound and determined to destroy the country and everything which truly makes it great because he hates everything about it without his big, fat ugly print on it. It is too bad that there were not last year three "quick trials", in which case the country would be spared this assault to our Constitution and laws, while His Royal Highness languished for awhile locked up, where he belongs. Perhaps you should fly your flag not even upside down but at no-staff, for that is where it is these days, in the dirt.
But we are getting too abstract, we suppose, for the dog days and so, for now, will refrain, in the spirit of the column.
We could have, of course, just referred the reader to all of these individual opinions in toto without bothering to recapitulate them, but we felt that such spare treatment would be as unfair as leaving out the short letters to the editor which sometimes appear, from which somewhere some individual might glean some kind of infinite wisdom, perhaps containing a nugget which might change the course of mankind, if not eliminate it altogether.
So there it is, your zen of the day.
Remember not to shoot the piano player, even if the French New Wave
film of
All this bad, violent talk aimed at "trans",
incidentally, should not be transmitted, as it is very
discriminatory against translators
Drew Pearson indicates that he had been the subject of considerable ribbing about his "ace sleuth", Jack Anderson, having been caught in company with the ace sleuth of the Congressional subcommittee investigating the Adams-Goldfine matter, caught eavesdropping with a hotel room bug on Mr. Goldfine's assistants. He indicates that the mistake made by the subcommittee's investigator, Baron Shacklette, was in bugging the adjoining room at the Sheraton-Carlton Hotel in Washington rather than in going through the Washington police. While the police were not supposed to bug rooms or tap wires for either private individuals or Congressional committees, they nevertheless did it just the same. That had been demonstrated by the operations of police Lt. Joseph Shimon, when he had spied on Howard Hughes, the West Coast airplane manufacturer, and his executives, for the benefit of Pan American Airways and its head, Juan Trippe. Congressional testimony had developed that the lieutenant not only had directed eavesdropping on the Hughes people at two Washington hotels, but that the Washington police had tapped the telephone of the late Senator Josiah W. Bailey of North Carolina, at the time chairman of the Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee, who had the power to pass on important legislation impacting Pan American. At the completion of the Senate probe, the lieutenant had gone before a police review board to determine whether he should be penalized and had been exonerated and given a new choice assignment.
He indicates that it was how Washington looked on wiretapping and microphone-placement, and similar undercover sleuthing in the past. He had written various columns about it.
It was becoming something of a habit lately for big businessmen under investigation and with plenty of money to spend, to hire private detectives to probe members of Congress. Most members were just as clean as the President's proverbial "hound's tooth", and many of them were much cleaner. But with even the cleanest, a smart investigator could sometimes dig up a skeleton which could hurt in a tough election contest. Mr. Shacklette, the committee's former investigator, had been checking on this counter-espionage.
He finds it a sad travesty on life in the nation's capital that few hotel rooms were completely safe for the occupants to discuss matters highly confidential, as were not even private offices.
He says that former Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau would usually push a secret button on his desk which turned on a recording machine whenever a visitor was present. (Don't say that. The Vice-President may be listening.)
He says that he had never placed a microphone in anyone's room in his life or tapped a telephone wire and never would, but when he did not want to let either Government investigators or private detectives to know about that which he was discussing, he moved from his office into the garden or talked inside a car.
The New York Times had recently revealed that newsmen were being shadowed by agents of the Administration. It was true, but it was an old story, indicating that he had been shadowed more during the Truman Administration, the chief reason being to ascertain his sources.
Roger Robb, counsel for Bernard Goldfine, had thus been smart in hiring detective Lloyd Furr to examine the rooms of his clients for microphones. It was also why the claim of Mildred Paperman, the secretary of Mr. Goldfine, that her papers had been stolen did not make much sense, as smart people did not leave important papers in hotel rooms during the course of a weekend when they were away. He finds that Mr. Robb was too smart to allow his client to leave any important papers behind.
A lot of people had been asking what it was that Mr. Goldfine's agents had been discussing on the Sunday night when the room had been bugged. In fact, it had only been a plan to make public various thank-you letters from governors who had received vicuna cloth from Mr. Goldfine via Governor Lane Dwinell of New Hampshire during the Governors Conference of 1955. The assistants had shuffled through letters to pick the most embarrassing ones and had finally selected those of Governor George Leader of Pennsylvania, Governor Mennen Williams of Michigan, and former Governor Frank Lausche of Ohio, all Democrats, though there had been some discussion over whether to withhold the letter of Mr. Lausche since he was now in the Senate and had never been considered a party-line Senator. One assistant had said, "This is a Democratic-controlled committee and our purpose is to embarrass the Democrats."
He concludes that, in brief, the so-called conspirators had laid an egg.
Walter Lippmann indicates that thus far, the White House defense of Sherman Adams had silenced the President on a moral issue about which it was his peculiar duty to speak out and provide the country leadership. He regards the crucial question about Mr. Adams to be not whether he violated a statute for which there was a legal remedy in his dealings with his old friend, Bernard Goldfine, but rather the question posed by the hotel bills of Mr. Adams which were paid for by Mr. Goldfine and "what conduct is becoming to a gentleman who sits at the right hand of the President". He finds it the special duty of any President to answer that question and in view of the fact that President Eisenhower had led a crusade to clean up Washington, his peculiar duty.
But the President had evaded that question, with his moral judgment in terms of public statements having been that it had been imprudent of Mr. Adams to accept the favors from Mr. Goldfine, but that since there was no evidence of any violation of the law, the matter should be considered closed. It was to say, in effect, that if there was no legal proof that Mr. Adams had repaid Mr. Goldfine by obtaining for him special favors from any Government agency, the Federal Trade Commission and the Securities & Exchange Commission having been brought into the matter by the House subcommittee's investigation, then the matter was of no consequence.
Mr. Lippmann finds it was not possible to close the incident on that point as it would mean that on the authority of the President and with the consent of the country, the standard of official conduct in the White House had been greatly lowered, the rule then being that money could be accepted from interested parties provided that nothing was done directly to repay it. He finds that not to be good enough for the President, impairing the dignity of his office in having to discuss it at all.
Moral damage was being done by the defense and apologies inspired from the White House. He finds that the argument that money could be accepted provided nothing was given in return was an attempt to confuse the real issue, concealing the principal point, that what was customary and perhaps tolerable elsewhere ought be intolerable in the official family of the President. He suggests that there should be a demand for a self-imposed standard of conduct which would be much higher than the statutory laws against bribery and graft. It had been essentially the principle on which General Eisenhower had run in 1952. "The ultimate power of the state cannot be entrusted to men whose conception of public virtue is that their integrity is adequate if they cannot be convicted of crime. It is not asking too much that in the highest places, men must be an example of what ought to be the general practice. They cannot excuse themselves by saying that in fact they have done only as many others have done."
He finds it a demoralizing argument that "everybody is doing it" and so why put forth an hypocritical outcry because one more official was found to be doing it. But everybody in the Government was not doing it. As everyone was aware, in politics and in business, there was a big trade in influence and much loose conduct, but once the view was adopted that loose conduct could be tolerated by the President, there would be surrender and no further attempt to mend such practices to provide for good government.
The other defense that the country would suffer too greatly by the loss of Mr. Adams to the White House, that it would be greater than the exchange of the hotel bills for the telephone calls on behalf of Mr. Goldfine by Mr. Adams, after the latter had confessed to his own imprudence to loose conduct, would only result in the tearing down of the higher standards of conduct at the White House. "Such a defense, if it prevails, would be a moral disaster."
Flashing forward, of course, to 1972 and the ensuing two years which came to be characterized by the Watergate scandal and eventual resignation of President Nixon on August 8, 1974, the loose standards at the White House would become the order of the day, necessitating the elaborate cover-up which finally led to the ineluctable articles of impeachment which would have resulted in his being the only President thus far in U.S. history to have both been impeached and removed from office, as Republican leaders had told Mr. Nixon two days before he made the decision to resign that impeachment was a foregone conclusion in the House following the return of the articles by the House Judiciary Committee, and that in a subsequent trial in the Senate, he would have at most perhaps a dozen Senators voting against removal.
Mr. Nixon, sometimes contrary to the disingenuous, partisan fools who have sought to rewrite history and characterize Watergate as a "third-rate burglary", failing to account for the fact that it was of the Democratic national headquarters and thereby implied more than just a little hanky-panky, not just another "dirty trick" put in play by the chief Trickster, who had become known for his tricks since 1948, so much so that his opponent for the Senate in 1950, Helen Gahagan Douglas, who had been termed by the Nixon campaign "pink right down to her underwear", had originally coined the term "Tricky Dick", but rather a true act of obstruction of justice, not resolved by Mr. Nixon's "limited hangout" on the South Lawn with Dick, but having gone the full nine yards with the sword-swallower, constituting an irremediable breach of the ordinarily practiced separation of powers, seeking to use the CIA and the "Bay of Pigs thing" to place pressure on L. Patrick Gray, acting director of the FBI at the time, not to pursue Watergate for opening up to public scrutiny that latter "thing", that ol' voodoo that they did so well, la cosa nostra of Our Gang, whatever that "thing" meant to the man in the Oval Office who wanted to pass it all off as a "comedy of errors", the "thing" having been thought by Bob Haldeman, as he explained in 1978 in his book, The Ends of Power, to mean the assassination of President Kennedy—and who had been heard to approve during the course of the 1972 campaign or the lead-up to it an operation which would have potentially led to the assassination of Senator Edward Kennedy, it having become plain that the individual in the White House had lost his mind, was dangerous to democracy and to the security of the nation, in a ruthless attempt to hold on to power, the seeds of which had long been evident to that part of the nation with its eyes open, ever since September, 1952 when the $18,000 slush fund raised for him by his wealthy pals, ostensibly to pay off his Senate campaign debt, had become known, historically denominated as "Checkers" for his rather silly defense and reduction of the matter to a little black-and-white cocker spaniel which, doggone it, he and his family were going to keep, and his wife wearing a good Republican cloth coat, while he drove a 1950 Oldsmobile, that he had worked for everything he got, the same line he tried to resurrect later to escape the harshest results of the Watergate matter, the impetus for which he had put in play by approving the Huston memorandum nearly two years before the break-in of the DNC headquarters.
Quite arguably, had the country been aware by October, 1972 of that of which it subsequently became aware during the summer of 1973 when the Senate Select Committee began to peel back the layers of the cover-up, Mr. Nixon would have mercifully been spared a second term in office, and it would have been President George McGovern, without any pending articles of impeachment or resignation. But in 1972, the country had been successfully brainwashed by an Administration which had used the Madison Avenue tactics of advertising as applied to politics, cultivated carefully since the defeat in 1960, in an extreme way such that they believed in their hubris that they could get away with virtually anything, up to and including murder. Such obviously was the belief of the man whom even Mr. Nixon said "must be a little nuts", G. Gordon Liddy.
A letter writer indicates that in looking at the newspaper of July 8, he saw that the Chamber of Commerce was running true to form by openly opposing a House bill which would increase Social Security payments by ten percent and provide health benefits not previously permitted under law. He indicates that Social Security benefits had been cut by six percent by price increases since 1954, that is by inflation, when the last increases in benefits had been enacted. Benefits had lagged even more behind income levels. The average national old age benefit was $65 per month and in the seven counties covered by the Charlotte Social Security office, the payments to those over 65 averaged only $50 per month. He says that the below-average payment was the result of the low earnings of workers in those counties. He indicates that the Chamber of Commerce in Charlotte and Mecklenburg County represented local employers, recommending that the officials of the Chamber pay a visit to the Mecklenburg County Welfare Department and the Health Department and discover the facts regarding the inadequacy of present Social Security payments. He indicates that during May, 1958, 2,766 persons over 65 had applied for and received aid from the Welfare Department, which, if extrapolated for 12 months, would mean that 33,192 persons had received that aid, indicative of the inadequacy of Social Security. The County Health Department was paying per month $4,735 for medical benefits, an annual sum of $56,823, not including expenditures for drugs and certain other necessities. He says that one had to be in dire straits to receive aid from the Welfare Department or the Health Department.
A letter from the director of Region No. 5, AFL-CIO, addresses the same issue regarding the bill sponsored by Representative Aime Forand of Rhode Island, which would increase maximum old-age benefits from $108.50 to $118.50 and the minimum from $30 to $35, while the cost of living index had risen from 114.7 to 123.5 percent of the base period since the last increase in September, 1954. It would also assure adequate medical care to the people who needed it the most and were uninsurable or insurable only at exorbitant rates by private insurance companies, as well as providing a more realistic basis for contributions, serving to increase maximum benefits to an even higher level. He urges writing to one's member of Congress so that the 15 million people over age 65 who needed the legislation could obtain those higher benefits.
A letter writer from Washington indicates that when a column by Drew Pearson appearing in the newspaper had made the "typical smear statement, 'Not a word was said about those unpaid gift taxes which should have been paid on Nixon's $18,000 personal expense fund.'" He says that the money had never been paid to Mr. Nixon and had never passed through his hands and at the time the fund had been an issue, newspapers throughout the country had reported the fact that a determination had been made that no tax liability attached to it. He indicates that he realized that the newspaper published Mr. Pearson's column much as it did the comics and the crossword puzzle, "to excite reader interest", and that the day-to-day printing seldom, if ever, permitted the truth to catch up with false charges or allegations. He suggests publishing Mr. Pearson's column only after persons mentioned in it had the opportunity to see it and to provide in the newspaper space for them to reply or offer a "simple statement of the truth."
The editors note that readers who disagreed with Mr. Pearson or any other columnist appearing in the newspaper were invited to state their views in letters to the editor.
The writer appears to be wrong under the basic law of gift taxation, and Mr. Pearson completely correct. The fund was a donated gift to pay off campaign debts for which Mr. Nixon would have otherwise been personally liable and thus clearly subject to gift tax, although whether the lifetime exemption of $30,000 extant in 1950 could have been used by Mr. Nixon to shield himself from tax liability we know not, depending on whether he had ever used up the exemption previously and whether he wanted to resort it. That it might have been "determined" that Mr. Nixon owed no gift tax after he became Vice-President was precisely that on which Mr. Pearson was commenting.
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