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The Charlotte News
Monday, June 9, 1958
FOUR EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from East Berlin that Russia had refused this date to take responsibility for nine U.S. army men taken prisoner by the East German Communists the prior Saturday when their helicopter had made a forced landing inside East Germany. The Russian Embassy in East Berlin declared that the East German regime had jurisdiction over the American prisoners and their aircraft because the helicopter had landed outside the three Western air corridors to West Berlin. Russia guaranteed free Allied air traffic through those corridors under a 1949 Big Four agreement. The Soviet Embassy statement indicated that the U.S. and Russia were heading into a big diplomatic wrangle over the nine Americans. The Russian statement was in response to a newsman's question whether Russia or East Germany had jurisdiction over the Americans. Earlier, the East German Government had claimed that it had the right to say what would be done with the helicopter and those aboard. The U.S. did not recognize the East German Communist regime and had demanded that the Soviets in East Berlin promptly return the eight Army officers, one sergeant and their aircraft. The Western Allies contended that in accordance with the postwar four-power agreements on Germany, all of their dealings concerning East Germany had to be done with the Soviet Union. The helicopter belonged to the 3rd Armored Division and had been on a military exercise. U.S. authorities assumed that the helicopter had turned east due to a navigational error in a thunderstorm and had run out of gas, forcing it to land at Zwickau, 30 miles east of the border. The Soviet Army headquarters in East Berlin said that all nine men were safe and unharmed. The East German Foreign Ministry had announced that it had sent to the State Department a note protesting that East German air space had been violated. The Foreign Ministry followed up this date with a declaration that it had sent its protest directly to the State Department, demonstrating that the East German regime and not the Soviets had jurisdiction over the matter, an effort apparently to get the U.S. to recognize East Germany. With the State Department refusing to deal with East Germany, a diplomatic tangle might develop which would keep the nine American prisoners in an East German jail for some time. A Belgian jet fighter had been forced down in East Germany 12 days earlier and the Soviets had referred all Belgian inquiries to the East Germans.
Soviet Ambassador Mikhail Menshikov had stated on a television panel program on Sunday that a junior Soviet diplomat, Nikolai Kurochkin, had denied trying to purchase American military secrets from Charles Beaumet, an American magazine writer, as alleged by the State Department in finding the diplomat persona non grata and ordering him on Saturday to leave the country forthwith. The allegations included that he had paid hundreds of dollars for Army manuals and other materials, and had sought to obtain secret documents. He was expected to start for home later in the week. The 25-year old magazine writer who lived in Arlington, Va., said that he had never given any classified information to the Russian diplomat, that he had furnished him some non-secret material, part of which "was already in the papers", and had received $435 over several months, starting the previous year. Justice Department officials said that the writer had cooperated with Government investigators after they questioned him about his transaction with the Russian diplomat. Officials said that the writer since had registered as a foreign agent and that the Department planned no action against him. The move to oust the diplomat for "highly improper activities" came about three weeks after the Soviet Union had expelled John Baker, Jr., the second secretary of the U.S. Embassy in Moscow, accusing him of violating "the norms of behavior" for diplomats. The U.S. had disputed that accusation. In an interview on Saturday night, Mr. Beaumet had said that he had met Mr. Kurochkin the previous year after he had gone to the Soviet Embassy seeking material for a story on the making of stockings in the Soviet Union, while he was performing freelance work for a textile industry publication. Later, the writer said, the diplomat had invited him to a party at the Soviet Embassy and subsequently he had obtained the material he wanted from Moscow. About five months afterward, the writer said that he had lunch with the diplomat, who had suggested that they collaborate on some articles for Soviet publications. The writer said that he was working for the National Guardsman magazine, which said it had discharged the writer for immature judgment. Mr. Beaumet went on to say that Mr. Kurochkin had expressed an interest in obtaining some material on military doctrine, that he had written a piece from a bunch of handouts to the press and had given it to him, things which were already in the newspapers, but he had given him a sales talk. The diplomat said that the article had been accepted and so he had paid Mr. Beaumet. He had then started talking about Army training manuals, saying that he would translate them and could sell something from them to two Russian magazines, Armies of the World and the Red Star. The writer told him that he was not cleared for classified documents and would not give them to him in any case, that when he had first started asking him for classified material, he had told him that it was impossible. One night, two Federal agents had come to Mr. Beaumet's apartment and questioned him about his contacts with the Soviet diplomat, and from that time, the writer had called them every time Mr. Kurochkin contacted him. He said that he supposed he should have been suspicious as the amounts grew, but was not until Federal agents visited him.
At the U.N. in New York, the Soviet Union had called on the body this date to take immediate action to halt U.S. nuclear testing in the Pacific.
In Paris, Premier Charles de Gaulle summoned his Cabinet into session this date and his office said that he would appoint two sub-cabinet officers to coordinate affairs in Algeria. The officer said that one of the sub-cabinet officers would be, as previously announced, a top-ranking civilian administrator who would serve as an aide to General Raoul Salan. The second post would be in Paris directly under Premier De Gaulle, although not within the Cabinet. The announcement of the second Algerian post coincided with the news that Jacques Soustelle, the chief political figure behind the May 13 right-wing revolt in Algeria, was on the way to Paris. The fact that M. Soustelle was not included in the Cabinet had enraged the right-wingers backing the Algerian insurrection. The Premier had never revealed any plans for M. Soustelle, who had once been the chief lieutenant to General De Gaulle in the French National Assembly. Although the National Assembly was adjourned, the deputies were still holding various committee meetings and M. Soustelle was to many of them what a cape was to an angry bull. His flight to Algiers had been widely condemned in the Assembly and there was substantial sentiment to lift his parliamentary immunity, as was done in the case of Corsican Deputy Pascal Arighi, who had also participated in the revolt.
In Cambridge, Mass., the Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory reported this date that with clear weather, in the early morning, one could obtain a spectacular view of the rocket-satellite of Sputnik III, which would be at the perigee of its orbit, only about 130 miles above the earth, in the early morning orbits. It would be visible the following day and Wednesday, primarily in the South. Both satellites would be traveling south southwest and north northeast. The rocket was about 1 1/2 orbits ahead of the cone -shaped satellite, itself. If you get up early enough, the rocket ought look like a fast-moving bright star of the first magnitude, changing in brightness as it tumbles end to end. The satellite nosecone will not be quite as bright as the rocket. Good luck.
The House this date had passed and sent to the Senate a bill appropriating 665.7 million dollars to finance the emergency unemployment compensation law which the Congress had enacted the previous Wednesday.
Secretary of the Army Wilber Brucker said this date that he still felt that the Army needed a minimum of 900,000 men, but that he was bound by the decision of superiors not to resist a 30,000-man cutback.
In London, the five-week London bus strike, having been accepted by regular passengers as little more than an unpleasant inconvenience, had taken a grim turn this date as a sympathy walkout by some subway workers had caused problems with morning rush-hour transportation.
In Bridgeton, N.J., four farm workers had been killed and three others injured this date when a car failed to negotiate a curve and had struck a tree.
In Tokyo, a man from New Haven, Conn., was indicted this date for the death of his brother-in-law and partner while under the influence of alcohol. He was charged with inflicting bodily injuries resulting in death, roughly the equivalent of manslaughter. The trial would be without a jury, before three judges.
In Morganton, N.C., the bodies of two Burke County men had been found prior to dawn this date face-down outside the home of a neighbor with whom they reportedly had argued on Sunday. Both men had been shot, and one officer said he believed they had bled to death. The argument reportedly had erupted when the neighbor had cut the hat of one of the dead men. Deputies said that they were seeking the 30-year old neighbor for questioning. Bloodhounds brought to the scene had failed to pick up a trail, but county officers had started a wide manhunt over the western part of the county for the man.
In Charlotte, Representative Jack Love, who was running for the Democratic nomination to the State Senate, had given no indication yet whether or not he would seek a runoff, after he had come in second in the primary of May 28. He had only four hours left, until the end of the afternoon this date, before announcing his decision, as the runoff would take place, if held, on June 28. State Senator J. Spencer Bell had polled 11,192 votes and Mr. Love, 7,750 votes in the primary. But Mr. Bell had failed by 157 votes to win a majority, as a third candidate, State Representative James Vogler, had obtained 3,754 votes. Many of Mr. Love's friends believed that he would not seek the runoff.
John Kilgo of The News reports that new irregularities in operation of the clerk of the City Recorder's Court had turned up this date. Judge Basil Boyd of the court had made a lengthy statement to reporters, promising to work immediately to clear up the clerk's office. Court officials had said that they had found at least seven warrants apparently illegally nol prossed or dismissed. The judge told reporters that he would begin investigating the circumstances under which the warrants had been nol prossed and would take corrective action.
In Cheyenne Wells, Colo., it was reported that nearly 9 million acres in the eastern part of the state was under attack by grasshoppers this date. The plagues have arrived.
In Buffalo, N. Y., a man who had a list of 250 girls in a black book had lost it when it burned in a $5,000 fire in an office building on Saturday night. He ran an employment agency supplying office workers on a full-time or part-time basis. He waited this date in the hope that the girls would call to register again. No, it was not that guy.
In London, it was reported that five bicycles had been used to decorate chimneys and pinnacles of an Oxford University building during the night, believed to have been hoist up by Oxford students, who had also somehow lifted a truck onto the roof of Cambridge's historic Senate House. Late in the afternoon, the truck was still there, and appeared to be destined to remain for several days. The fire department said it could not handle the removal, necessitating the hiring of a local firm with experience in odd jobs, but it could not get to it until Thursday. The bicycles could simply be pitched off the roof. We challenge them to put a cow up there.
On the editorial page, "Bell Committee Must Finish the Job" indicates that State Senator J. Spencer Bell was planning to marshal the evidence from his committee before the North Carolina Bar Association in Myrtle Beach during the week. What had begun as a modest inquiry into "the structure and workings of the courts in North Carolina" had resulted in disclosures so shocking and far-reaching as to arouse even the professional Pollyannas of the state's justice system.
The third in a series of research reports had been released the previous week, revealing, among other things, that 6,179 criminal cases were awaiting trial in Superior Courts of 96 of the 100 counties during the previous fall, some having been on the dockets for as long as six years or more. For months, similar evidence of inadequacies and inequities had been mounting, such that one could only conclude that something was fundamentally wrong with the administration of justice in the state, requiring reform immediately.
It finds that it was not just that the state lacked a judicial system geared to modern times, but lacked any judicial system, rather having a hodgepodge of separate and miscellaneous lower courts operating independently, along with a collection of Superior Courts bogged down with litigation.
The Bell committee would present the complete report to the Bar Association the following Friday, and all of its findings and recommendations would be set forth for appropriate action.
It urges that the report should not be soft-pedaled or ignored and that the committee ought be authorized to continue its study and prepare a complete and comprehensive set of legislative proposals for presentation to the 1959 General Assembly. Nothing less than a complete overhaul of the judicial system in the state would be acceptable.
"A Global Game of 'Let's Pretend'" indicates that two examples of the type of polite deception which George Orwell would have called doublethink had turned up in two 'information' manuals which it had seen during the week.
The first had occurred in The United Nations, a 64-page guide to the U.N. published as a part of the National Cash Register Company's factory magazine. A section was devoted to thumbnail sketches of member nations, and had said regarding China: "China, the world's most populous country, is in the eastern part of Asia. China is one of the best watered countries in the world because three great rivers—the Yangtze, the Hwang Ho and the Si Kiang—flow hundreds of miles from the mountains. Population is estimated at 500 million which is a fifth of the world's total inhabitants. Area is 3,789,380 square miles, about 1 1/3 the size of the United States. Capital is Taipei, Taiwan… China is a republic with a legislative council."
It corrects that Taipei was the capital of Nationalist China on Formosa, and that the Peking regime was the de facto government of China, that it was not a republic, but rather a one-party Communist dictatorship.
The second example of international doublethink had turned up in a 64-page special issue of The Arab World, published by the Arab Information Center in New York and devoted to Arab progress in the Middle East. On a large map of "the Arab world", Israel was identified as "Israeli occupied territory of Palestine."
It corrects again that Israel had been an independent republic since May 14, 1948.
It indicates that nostalgia was the goddess of global politics and the masquerade ball had to continue, it supposes, but wonders whether the hour was not getting a bit late for make-believe.
"Beat Generation: 'Of No Consequence'" indicates that nothing had riled America's captains of culture quite so much as the "Beat Generation" writers from San Francisco, who wrote "earthily of a 'generation of crazy illuminated hipsters rising and roaming America, serious, curious, bumming and hitchhiking everywhere, ragged, beatific, beautiful in an ugly graceful new way … beat, meaning down and out but full of intense conviction.'" Their priesthood included Jack Kerouac and his On the Road, John Clellon Holmes and Go! Allen Ginsberg and "Howl", Kenneth Rexroth, Lawrence Ferlinghetti and James Broughton.
It finds that no group of writers had received so much attention from "serious" critics in the highbrow journals, and no group had been so savagely criticized. Partisan Review—Cf. 1958, No. 2, "The Know-Nothing Bohemians" (and, incidentally, consider simultaneously the Starkweather case)—, The Reporter, and Saturday Review had all provided lengthy and irritable examinations. Others were still devoting enormous space to the movement. The consensus opinion was that the "Beat Generation" writers were "beneath contempt" and "of no consequence" and did not deserve "serious consideration".
But it questions why, if all that was true, the "serious" critics were "seriously considering" them.
"The Iron Pot's Still Full of
Good Will" indicates that recently the local Better Business
Bureau had warned Charlotte housewives against the false notion that
cooking in aluminum pots was dangerous, something being passed by
door-to-door salesmen of stainless steel wares. Meanwhile, one
aluminum firm had acceded to a Government order that it stop claiming
that use
It agrees but finds that some sympathy was due the makers of aluminum and stainless steel pots and pans, as they made light utensils which were handsome and handy, in all sizes and for all purposes. Some put copper on the bottoms and others put on plastic handles to keep people from burning their hands.
But there were people who persisted in cooking in old heavy, ugly iron pots, little changed from those which had been hauled in covered wagons going West during the previous century.
It concludes that each to his own regarding choice of pots, but that the suggestion might be made to those who made aluminum and stainless steel versions that they buy up the good will of the iron pot business should that business ever fail, which it finds unlikely at the moment.
A piece from The Reporter, titled "Brave New Words", indicates that it wants to organize its own ticker-tape parade for Draper Daniels, vice-president of the Leo Burnett Co., an advertising firm, for in a speech quoted by Tide, he had spoken what it considers revolutionary words: "I think we have to dedicate ourselves to fewer meetings and more thinking. We have to start solving problems instead of trying to talk them to death. In this connection, I think we have to stop using research to settle advertising problems."
The same issue had presented a special report on a special report from Paul Lazarsfeld, associate director of Columbia University's Bureau of Applied Social Research, in which surveys proved that the more gregarious women were more likely to be marketing leaders, and that advertisers would do well to make their biggest pitches to housewives under age 45 with two or more children.
It suggests that a lot of meetings were needed to concoct things like that, and it finds itself on the side of Mr. Daniels, offering an aphorism produced by a single mind on its staff: "Those who can, think; those who can't, go into a research project." (As printed, incidentally, it came out of the devil's blocks as "a naphorism", rendering a non-word except possibly in the realms of Neologism, we thought, as, maybe, a "negative aphorism" or a paraphrasal of one which had originally been, and so initially we went with it as printed. Then, we got to thinking about it, and thought that, well, maybe it was one of those phoned-in pieces, where the listener at the other end merely misheard the communication and produced it, more or less, as heard, in combination form, albeit that type of mistype usually only making sense in the context of the diligent reporter in the field phoning in a story of historic import and immediacy, full of breathless content, such as the final outcome and how it got there of a basketball contest—of which we were witness a few times in the distant past. It turns out, however, that it was not either of those vagaries at all, but merely a slip of the type one slot over by the vagrant devil-in-prints at The News. "Naphorism", nevertheless, probably ought to be a word to define that which concluded the piece, don't ye think? You can go take a poll and remit it into the interstitial spaces between your cheek and gum.)
Speaking of encountering words used in funny contexts, apparently culled from the name of a design firm rather than any creative use of a word, in this case, "innate": What the hell did the little girl at the rostrum in the White House pressroom, an obvious escapee from the Asylum, mean yesterday when she said, "innately designed" in reference to the planned new ballroom? bringing to mind that former Charlotte preacher's design for the duplicate of London's Crystal Palace, just afore his downfall years ago—another change obviously meant to complement the parking-lotted rose garden to save the heels of the dear little ol' ladies who currently populate Trump House of the Rising Son, No. 1, obviously favoring spiked heels, as along the upper balconies of Bourbon Street, above flatware? Does that mean that it was designed by the ancestors, the forebears, the forbearers, the Founders? Or even by the bearers of pall, in 1814? Obviously not, or it would have been incorporated originally in the design of Hoban of Kilkenny. Why don't you, little girl at the podium, stick to what you know, which, obviously, is not too much, and say what you mean? That the chief occupant of the White House desires to hold intercourse with the American people vicariously through intercoursing with the House of the People? Much more transparently to the point, don't ye think? We always thought that it first took an act of Congress to authorize a major change, beyond mere interior decor, to the house of the people, as the house belongs, not to any individual occupant, no matter how egomaniacal and detached from reality, but to the people. But, guess not so anymore. The point is not whether Government funds will be spent but that a fundamental and permanent change will be made to the character of the people's house without their permission, the act of a dictator and his Volks plans for the New Germania. If the wobbly-kneed Republicans in Congress are too timid to stop it, then any citizen should have standing to sue to do so, not as a taxpayer, per se, but as a citizen with a stake in their government, as well as in the role of taxpayer, concerned about future upkeep of the proposed facility out of Government funding, as well as the future utility costs just to heat and cool the open expanse, bound to be quite expensive, especially with the climate-change denying Republicans having eliminated subsidies for alternative energy sources in the Big, Bad Bill.
We begin to understand that this guy, realizing his time is delimited this time around
Drew Pearson indicates that the White House was about the last place in Washington one would expect to find a missing person, which was why Congressman Adam Clayton Powell of Harlem, who had been indicted for income tax evasion, was hiding out there while Democratic colleagues searched the town for him to vote for the Hells Canyon dam project. His vote for it in committee would have meant that the largest undeveloped dam site in North America would be developed by a high Federal dam instead of giving it to the Idaho Power Co. for inefficient low-dam development. None of Mr. Powell's colleagues dreamed, as the House Interior Committee prepared to vote, that he would be in the office of White House chief of staff Sherman Adams. Mr. Pearson observes, however, that they should have realized that since Mr. Adams was a longtime friend of the private utilities and had pulled wires in Congress to block public development of Hells Canyon, his presence there was logical.
He indicates that Congressman Powell had established a pattern of ducking Hells Canyon votes the previous year, having asked Congressman Clair Engle of California to authorize a free trip to Germany just before the vote on the dam. Mr. Engle had refused and so Mr. Powell had gone to New York and stayed there. The head of the Sleeping Car Porters, Philip Randolph, had tried to get Mr. Powell to return for the vote, as did Clarence Mitchell, counsel for the NAACP, and Congressman Charles Diggs of Detroit. But all had failed.
At that time, the Justice Department had intervened to delay a grand jury in New York considering Mr. Powell's indictment, despite assistant U.S. Attorney Thomas Bolan having wanted to proceed with the indictment. Nevertheless, the Justice Department had issued the instructions that the case be sidetracked, and so Mr. Powell had been anxious to do anything the White House wanted, thus did not return for the vote on the dam, and the public power project had been defeated.
During the current year, Mr. Powell was effusive in assuring Congressmen that he would be available for the vote, assuring them that he would enable a proxy vote if he were not present. It had been agreed that the proxy would be picked up and voted by Democratic Representative Gracie Pfost of Idaho, member of the Interior Committee and a strong backer of Hells Canyon. But Mrs. Pfost was unable to obtain a signed proxy from Mr. Powell, despite contacting his office on numerous occasions, each time being told by a secretary that the Congressman had not released the proxy.
As the Committee began to vote, a friend of Mr. Powell had revealed that he had an early morning appointment with Mr. Adams. An effort was made to reach him at the White House, but the caller was told that it was impossible to disturb Mr. Adams, as he was still in conference with Mr. Powell. He had remained in conference until after the Committee had voted against the high dam for Hells Canyon.
Mr. Powell's colleagues were now watching to see what the Administration would do regarding the indictment for income tax evasion. The Justice Department would have a hard time dropping it because U.S. Attorney Paul Williams in New York was reported to be vigorously opposed to playing politics with law enforcement.
Joseph Alsop, in Algiers, describes the arrival of Premier De Gaulle in Algiers, causing him to remember T. S. Eliot's poem, "On a General's Triumph", "Oh the eagles! Oh the trumpets!" But the public scenes had not been the real drama, which had begun far away in Paris and continued behind the scenes in Algiers, with the actors having been the members of General De Gaulle's Government, the people of his entourage and the leaders of the movement in Algiers which had precipitated the French crisis. The drama had been a desperate, last-minute attempt to persuade General De Gaulle to make Jacques Soustelle his minister for Algeria and thus give full recognition to the new state of affairs there and even to consecrate that state of affairs, which M. Soustelle had done much to bring about.
Mr. Alsop wonders whether, if General De Gaulle's final decision had been made known when it was probably taken, the hotheads of the Algerian Committee of Public Safety might have made very bad trouble which would have been easy to organize in the crowds, which the next day had put so much more energy and passion into their shouts of "Soustelle, Soustelle, Soustelle!" than into their acclamation of General De Gaulle. But in fact, after the final Cabinet meeting in Paris the previous Tuesday evening, the word had been passed to Algiers with seeming authority that the General's mind remained open and that the decision had yet to be made, with the same word being brought back to Algiers by General Salan and the other military persons who had been flown to Paris to confer with General De Gaulle.
The more pessimistic leaders of the movement in Algiers had already expected the blow which finally came, but there had still been the chance of a different decision. There were also enough old Gaullists in the Algerian movement, along with many old supporters of Marshal Petain, to understand that General De Gaulle was more likely to be persuaded by politeness than by threats. So everything had been planned and organized to please him and to persuade him through enthusiasm and submissiveness.
Then, quietly at the summer palace, General De Gaulle had given his answer, that he would be his own minister for Algeria, that General Salan would be his deputy on the scene, and that the Committee of Public Safety might continue but as a "civic and propaganda organization", not as a substitute for the public administration of Algeria. It had not been the answer desired by the new masters of Algiers, offering no consecration or real recognition of their movement. It did not make General De Gaulle their "prisoner" in the sense predicted by the French left-wing in the days of crisis in Paris. But it was the only answer that neither M. Soustelle nor any of his supporters within General De Gaulle's personal circle, nor anyone else, could possibly dare challenge.
Mr. Alsop finds an irony, therefore, in the final public scene of that first day, the meeting in the Algiers Forum, where General De Gaulle had made his speech to the people. The insiders by that point had known that the crowd would not hear the two things they wanted, the nomination of M. Soustelle and approval en bloc of the latter's program for Algeria. He observes that the crowd appeared to sense its coming disappointment.
Yet the vast enthusiasm had by that point developed its own momentum and would not be turned back. Thus, those who were most disappointed played the parts that the occasion had allotted to them. General De Gaulle was cheered for a speech which was both emotional and enigmatic, leaving him free to seek almost any Algerian solution which he considered practical and appropriate. After the General and the dignitaries had departed, a large part of the crowd remained to keep up the vain shout for M. Soustelle.
He suggests that perhaps much more would have happened by the time the column reached print, which could transform the outlook, but that as he was writing it, it appeared that General De Gaulle had recaptured full control of Algiers without in any way entangling himself with the forces which had seemed likely to entangle him, in itself, a remarkable accomplishment.
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, indicates his support of Secretary of State Dulles regarding the language school in Nice, France, his defense of wine-drinking by diplomats, and the State Department's request for an extra million-dollar "representation allowance". The Secretary, who had been enshrined in a song by Carol Burnett, which might one day achieve popularity, had been pleading for the restoration of a 6.5 million dollar cut from the Department's budget. Most of the controversy had centered around the fact that the language school was located in the south of France and that the students might be subject to distraction of the flesh. The "representation allowance" was usually referred to as the "whiskey fund", also a source of controversy. In addition, it was controversial that people studying languages in France might also drink some wine.
Congress had approached the location of the school, the distractions, the wine-drinking and the liquor budget as if it were all illegal, plus destructive to U.S. prestige and a waste of money. The school for foreign service officers was deemed "psychologically bad because people might want to take advantage of the other distractions."
No mention had been made of the annual Congressional junkets abroad so that various members could have their pictures taken on camels or ogle the pretty girls while ostensibly studying "foreign conditions" at Government expense.
He believes that foreign diplomacy was conducted more sensibly while consuming a highball than at a conference table. The woefully underpaid diplomats usually paid for their extracurricular diplomacy from their own pockets, with a good portion of it spent on the relatives of Congressmen who came armed with letters and the expectancy of mandatory VIP treatment by some career diplomat who was earning $6,000 per year and paying stateside taxes on that. That applied even more so to the consular corps than to the diplomatic group, but all foreign people were underpaid and their expense accounts would not pay for much of anything.
He knew of at least one vice-consul to Spain who had even pet cats from the Congress thrust on him as guests for weeks, and who had to show the flag with a few hot martinis and a flagon of wine to keep the Spaniards, the English and the 6th Fleet aware that there was a consular service for the U.S.
He says that more hard booze was consumed in Washington than any other site of Government in the world, "but some jerk in a hearing suggests that wine-drinking by the foreign service officers in Nice is a 'luxury'." He concludes that Secretary Dulles had correctly remarked that wine in France was cheaper than bottled water and implied that the ability to drink wine and keep a clear head was as much a diplomatic duty as knowing the language of the country to which the diplomat was assigned.
The Trio's briefly spoken introductory tribute, in song and story
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