The Charlotte News
Monday, June 23, 1958
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Representative Morgan Moulder of Montana had suggested this date that House investigators call Gerald Morgan, the President's special counsel, on the basis that what he had heard that Mr. Morgan was "more of a front man than Mr. Adams." He said in an interview that he understood that Mr. Morgan was more accessible than chief of staff Sherman Adams to persons seeking help from the White House. He did not go into detail. A House subcommittee, of which Mr. Moulder was a member, was scheduled to resume hearings the following day on contacts admittedly made by Mr. Adams with two agencies on behalf of his old friend, millionaire Boston industrialist Bernard Goldfine. Mr. Adams had acknowledged accepting hotel hospitality and gifts from Mr. Goldfine, and although conceding that he had been imprudent, had denied seeking or obtaining any favored treatment for Mr. Goldfine in his contacts with the Federal Trade Commission and the Securities & Exchange Commission on his behalf. There had been no sign that the President had changed his stated intention to retain Mr. Adams, whom he had described as a man of honesty and integrity. Nevertheless, there continued to be a rising chorus of demands that Mr. Adams resign, some of the strongest of which were coming from Republicans. Mr. Morgan had been the legal advisor to Mr. Adams when he had appeared before the subcommittee the previous Tuesday. Mr. Adams had informed the subcommittee that at his request, Mr. Morgan had made contact with the SEC to obtain information about a matter involving Mr. Goldfine. He said that Mr. Goldfine had complained to him about some SEC actions in the case of the East Boston Co., a holding company of Mr. Goldfine accused of not filing required financial reports during the period 1948 through 1955. Mr. Adams had said that Mr. Morgan had obtained the information from Thomas Meeker, the SEC general counsel, but had sought no favors. The information was not passed to Mr. Goldfine, according to Mr. Adams, and Mr. Meeker had not been informed of the interest in it by Mr. Adams.
In Beirut, a bomb had exploded in a shopping area this date, killing five persons, including a woman and her child. The bomb had gone off just opposite a fruit bazaar in downtown Beirut and an empty bus parked at the curb had shielded many shoppers and reduced the casualty toll. The bombing had come after several days of relative calm in Beirut while U.N. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold was conferring there with Government officials. He had left on Saturday for Cairo but was scheduled to return the following day. It had been the worst terrorist outbreak since a crowded tram had been bombed several weeks earlier. The second bomb had exploded shortly afterward on another downtown street, blowing a door from a shop and injuring one person with flying glass. The bombings apparently had been directed at shopkeepers who opened for business in defiance of a general strike ordered weeks earlier by the rebels fighting to overthrow pro-Western President Camille Chamoun. The bombings were likely to be denounced by both sides in the 43-day old crisis. The terrorist acts had shattered the hopes of many that the arrival of U.N. observers would mean an easing of tensions. Although opposition forces to some extent seemed to be holding down activities in Beirut during the visit of Dr. Hammarskjold, there had been serious clashes elsewhere in the previous few days. On two successive days, major clashes had been reported from the Baalbek region in the Bekaa Valley of eastern Lebanon. The Government was reported to have used howitzers in a clash there on Saturday and again on Sunday. The secretary-general of the Industrialists Committee, Rafiq Chandour, had estimated that the losses to Lebanese businesses since the start of the crisis had been 150 million Lebanese pounds, the equivalent of about 50 million dollars. He said that unless the crisis was settled within a week, many factories might be forced to close.
In Cairo, Secretary-General Hammarskjold had pressed his campaign to quiet the Lebanese rebellion by meeting with Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Government of the United Arab Republic this date.
In Little Rock, Ark., the U.S. District Court judge who had issued an order on Saturday suspending integration in the Little Rock schools for 2 1/2 years, until the beginning of 1961, because of continued unrest, this date denied a motion to stay his order pending appeal. He said that to grant a stay would keep the racial situation at Central High School intolerable because too much time would be consumed in processing the appeal of his order. (As indicated, the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals would reverse his ruling in August and the Supreme Court would affirm unanimously that ruling in September and reinstate the original District Court orders of the prior year, ordering to proceed the gradual desegregation program, as originally proposed by the school board and approved by the District Court.) The NAACP attorney who had made the motion for a stay said that he planned to telephone the Eighth Circuit in St. Louis and ask for instructions on appealing the suspension order, having already filed a notice of appeal. Presumably, the instructions he sought pertained to a request to put the matter on a briefing and hearing schedule on an accelerated basis so as to enable a ruling before the start of the 1958-59 school year.
In Washington, four black leaders, including Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr.,
this date told the President that the court-ordered suspension of
integration in Little Rock had shocked and outraged black citizens
and millions of their fellow Americans. At the White House
conference, the black leaders said that the decision of the District
Court was being construed, rightly or wrongly, as a green light to
lawless elements to defy Federal authority. The views of the leaders
had been set forth in a prepared statement handed to newsmen after
the 45-minute meeting with the President. A. Philip Randolph
The President this date had called on Congress for swift approval of a multi-million dollar international agreement providing for construction of six major nuclear power reactors.
In Taipei, Formosa, the Defense Ministry this date claimed that a Chinese Nationalist warship had sunk a Communist gunboat and several motorized junks early the previous day during a 23-minute engagement near Quemoy Island. The warship had been undamaged and its crew had suffered no casualties, according to the Ministry.
In Rangoon, Burma, neutralist Premier U Nu had been expelled from Burma's ruling political party in a serious split with its anti-Communist elements.
In Manila, it was reported that the Indonesian rebel radio this date had claimed that its forces had thrown back the Jakarta Government's invaders in two battles in North Celibes, the broadcast indicating that 70 Jakarta soldiers had been killed in one fight.
In Jakarta, Government invasion forces, according to an Army headquarters intelligence officer this date, were fighting inside the rebel capital of Menado and the North Celebes city might fall by the following day.
In Philippeville, Algeria, a terrorist had thrown a bomb into a restaurant where 40 French soldiers had been eating the previous night, it having fallen into the soup of one of the soldiers and the fuse had fizzled out. (It rather sounds like something which might be depicted on "Zorro"—or in "Help!", depending on the decade through whose lens you might wish to view it.)
In Detroit, it was reported that production had been slowed this date in Chrysler Corporation's missile plant in suburban Sterling Township when UAW pickets had blocked parking lot gates.
In New York, it was reported that Teamster Union president Jimmy Hoffa, on trial for the second time for wiretap conspiracy charges, had his case go to the jury this date.
Near Orizaba, Mexico, at least ten persons had been killed and 20 injured when a runaway electric train had crashed into a crowded railway station the previous day. The train, on a regular run from Orizaba to the Gulf Coast port of Veracruz, apparently had been stopped by a power shortage. Officials of the Government railway said that when power returned, the train had started up automatically and raced 3 miles out of control. Preliminary investigations indicated that the brakes had failed. Witnesses reported that the crew had sought desperately to dump sand on the tracks in an effort to halt the speeding train. Passengers leaped from the cars as the train hurtled toward the station where the crash occurred.
John Kilgo of The News reports that the Civil Service Commission hearing to determine whether police Capt. Lloyd Henkle ought be fired from the department had been cut short this date because of a technicality in stating the charges against him. The three-man Commission had set July 14 as a new date for the hearing. His lawyer had objected that the captain was charged with "general allegations" and not specific counts, having been charged in a letter from Police Chief Frank Littlejohn with violating certain rules and regulations of the department. The letter had listed the numbers of the rules but did not specifically list the charges against him. The charges had been willful disobedience of rules or orders, conduct unbecoming a police officer, neglect in paying his debts, and conduct subversive of good order and discipline of the police force. Another officer, who had been the clerk of the City Recorder's Court for 16 years and implicated also in the current controversy surrounding that court, had resigned from the department the previous week. He had been scheduled to have a hearing at the same time as the captain. He was not present this date. Both men had been suspended for 30 days on June 12 when an audit of the court's records showed that the clerk had cashed checks for Capt. Henkle totaling over $26,000, using court funds. Over $4,000 of those checks had bounced but were later made good. The chief had recommended that both men be dismissed from the department.
In San Francisco, evangelist Billy Graham, calling himself "the messenger boy for Christ" had spoken the previous day before 38,000 partisan fans at Seals Stadium, ending his San Francisco crusade with an overflow crowd jamming the 25,900-seat baseball park, which was home to the San Francisco Giants. He said from atop a platform at second base, "I knew Willie Mays could fill Seals Stadium, but I'm glad God can do it, too. I am only the messenger boy for Christ. Give God the glory for what he has done this day." Prior to the sermon, the Giants had been playing the Phillies in Philadelphia, a game which had gone into extra innings. San Francisco Mayor George Christopher had eased the tension of those attending the sermon with the brief announcement that, "Kirkland hit a home run in the 14th inning and the Giants won." He said that they were all "so much better off for having had [Rev. Graham] in our midst," and expressed the belief that the world ought try morality for a change. He said: "We need moral and spiritual values. We've tried everything else to find peace." The evangelist urged those who had made "decisions for Christ" not to go back to their old ways of living or yield to temptations and old idolatries. Some 1,354 persons had stepped forward to make "decisions for Christ" the previous day at the stadium. Facing an oversized beer glass painted on a stadium billboard, he told the crowd: "We should have a new outlook. We have responsibilities to our neighbors and must take a new attitude toward the racial question." It does not indicate how many people complained about the presumed unavailability of vendors in the crowd selling beer, peanuts and red-hots for the sermon. Church workers would visit homes in an intensive follow-up to the evangelist's crusade, which would go to Sacramento the following Sunday, with a tour of California to follow.
In Ukiah, Calif., it was reported that officers hunting for an alleged killer of a police officer, who was on the FBI's 10 most wanted list, had fought a running gun battle this date through Willits with occupants of a speeding southbound automobile. Later, just north of Ukiah, sheriff's deputies and the Highway Patrol had placed a roadblock but the fugitives had eluded it by taking an old country road. A Ukiah police officer said that officers were operating on the theory that the wanted fugitive was one of the men who had robbed a service station early this date at Laytonville and then had fought the running gun battle through Willits. He was wanted for killing a San Francisco police sergeant during a tavern hold-up on December 30, 1956. He had been earlier reported hiding on a mountain 70 miles southeast of Eureka. During the shooting at Willits, officers had chased the culprit for ten miles and a helicopter and light plane had aided the search of the mountain area.
In Benton, Ky., some 200 employees of an aluminum furniture manufacturer had received their first pay in hard cash. To celebrate its opening, the factory had given out the first payroll of $8,800 in silver dollars. Employees received cloth sacks to carry it.
In New York, it was reported that since 1859, American oil drillers had sunk 1.863 million wells, with one out of every four wells drilled having been dry. Every little filler tells a story.
On the editorial page, "'The Agony of Little Rock' (Cont.)" finds that the agony of Little Rock would be prolonged because of the calculated mischief of Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus and the "monumental error in judgment" of the President. Desegregation of the city schools there, it finds, could have been accomplished peacefully and the nation could have been spared a major embarrassment with international implications, until Governor Faubus had made trouble and the President had compounded it.
The effect had produced an intolerable ferment which had prompted a Federal District Court judge on Saturday to rule that desegregation in the city's Central High School, begun the prior fall, be postponed for 2 1/2 years, until the beginning of 1961.
It recognizes, accurately as it turned out, that the ruling might not stand, as an appeal had been filed—which would be successful before the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals, affirmed the following September unanimously by the Supreme Court, reinstating the gradual desegregation plan originally promulgated by the Little Rock school board, starting with the high school, and then proceeding to the junior high schools and the elementary schools.
It finds that the ruling, coming as it did after nearly ten months of public anguish over the matter, indicated that the problem would get worse before it got better. It also added a final note of irony to the President's "'solution'" to the crisis, finding that his cure of the problem had only enlarged it, that by choosing to send black children to a formerly all-white school by force of Federal arms had simply made a bad situation deplorable.
It finds, however, that the President's ill-advised action did not absolve Governor Faubus of the charge that history would make against him, for he had made the original mischief by sending in the Arkansas National Guard at the beginning of the school year after there had been protest at the high school on registration day against the nine black students attending. It finds that the President had only added a final and devastating aggravation to the matter.
"The tragedy of Little Rock is that it cannot be isolated and privately treated. It is too late for that. What happens in Little Rock is burned into the delicate sensibilities of the South and of the nation." It finds that the ruling on Saturday and the parade of painful events which had preceded it were echoing ominously now in the conscience of America. "The agony is not over. It will last a lifetime."
"Zoning: 'It Only Takes Four Votes'" indicates that a serio-comic exchange between two members of the City Council had not been calculated to warm the cockles of a municipal planner's heart, as they talked about zoning protecting the homeowner, with the rejoinder that it had to be flexible, requiring only four votes to make it so.
The wishes of individual homeowners were tremendously important and deserved earnest attention and concern of any planning or zoning agency. But zoning served a larger ideal, designed to promote and protect the health, safety, morals, convenience, prosperity and general welfare of the entire community. Zoning provided everyone who lived there and did business in a community a chance for reasonable enjoyment of their property rights. At the same time, it protected the landowner from unreasonable injury by neighbors who would seek private gain at the owner's expense. But the well-being of the entire community also had to be taken into account.
Zoning was but one element of a comprehensive community plan. A wise zoning body would take into account not only existing conditions and obvious tendencies of growth but also probable changes and improvements through time. There were times when individual homeowners had to bow to the common good of all.
As Harvard's Arthur C. Comey had once written, zoning was like trying to carve with a sledgehammer. "It is a crude weapon, but where the zoning works as a part of a plan and is a part of the regular administration, there is a chance to refine it, make it cut sharply, and actually to start a scheme which will really mold the city. There are a few of our more prosperous cities where the refining process is beginning to give the protection that the community needs for its best development."
It indicates that some refining still needed to be done in Charlotte, but that little would be accomplished until official attitudes toward zoning demonstrated more maturity.
"A New Chapter for a Success Story" finds that Charlotte residents had their spirits buoyed during the recession by the enduring vitality of the city's economy, manifested in new buildings of concrete, steel and glass, changing the face of the city, with plans for more announced on a regular basis.
The $325,000 purchase of the old YMCA property at the corner of South Tryon and Second Streets, preparatory to construction of a million dollar office building, represented a heartening vote of confidence in the city's future.
The Mutual Building and Loan Association, the oldest such organization in the state, was providing the latest thrust for the local economy, and its confidence could not be questioned by the most persistent prophet of gloom and doom, as it had been founded in 1881 and had promoted and shared in Charlotte's growth, largely under the leadership of the Keesler family, for almost 75 years. The plans of the Association for a handsome new addition to Charlotte's skyline constituted a thoroughly satisfying chapter in the success story of the firm and of the city.
"What Recession?" indicates that Tiffany's in New York was offering its first line of jeweled garters in 50 years, starting at $125 apiece. But there was one, "a glittering diamond flower nestled in black lace rosette on a red velvet band", which was priced at $12,000.
It wonders whether someone had said that there was a recession.
W. E. H., in the Sanford Herald, in a piece titled "Cheese Fondue", comments on the dish, once prepared for lunch many years earlier by his wife. He found it pretty good but not very filling.
Recently, he had seen a recipe for cheese fondue which would be filling. Beatrice Cobb, editor of the Morganton News-Herald, presently on a jaunt to the Holy Land and Europe, had written from Zürich about cheese fondue, indicating: "I couldn't find it in the regular hotels and restaurants but I looked up a 'very Swiss' restaurant and found the national dish. I ordered only fondue. It was more than enough. Placed first on table was a big plate of bread cross-cut bite-size. The fondue, which is rather similar to our Welsh rarebit, is served in a pottery casserole, over an alcohol flame. Two kinds of cheese cooked with white wine, with a bit of garlic added, is the basic recipe. It comes to table bubbly hot, and the art of eating includes keeping the boiling cheese mixture stirred from the bottom as the diner spears the bread pieces and pokes them into the fondue."
It finds that the way Ms. Cobb had told it, that kind of fondue would stick to one's ribs and fortify the person for a busy day or afternoon ahead.
Drew Pearson again addresses the controversy surrounding whether White House chief of staff Sherman Adams should remain in his position, indicating that certain backgound events were necessary to understand fully that the President was telling the truth when he said he needed him, and to understand whether Mr. Adams was telling the truth in his Congressional testimony the previous week, claiming that he was only performing a friendly favor when he interceded on behalf of his old friend, industrialist Bernard Goldfine, with the Federal Trade Commission and the Securities & Exchange Commission, not in reciprocation for gifts and hospitality provided to Mr. Adams by Mr. Goldfine.
He indicates that in an Administration in which the President had been absent from the White House for 2 1/2 of the 5 1/2 years in office, Mr. Adams was all-powerful. There was a Washington wisecrack which went, "What would happen if Sherman Adams died and Eisenhower became President?" While grim, it had truth behind it.
Only two members of the Cabinet could see the President directly, Secretary of State Dulles and Secretary of the Treasury Robert Anderson. The others had to receive clearance through Mr. Adams. Even after a Cabinet member saw the President, he had to stop by the office of Mr. Adams afterward to make a report on what was discussed. Government bureaus knew that a call from Mr. Adams meant that it was coming from the man who actually was running the Government.
Yet Mr. Adams had sworn under oath when testifying before the House subcommittee chaired by Representative Oren Harris: "There is no call of mine, no appointment of mine that I have ever requested to be made, or any inquiry that has ever been intended to affect the decision of any official in the United States Government."
But, on July 20, 1955, Sinclair Armstrong, chairman of the Securities & Exchange Commission, had sworn under oath before a committee chaired by Senator Estes Kefauver that Mr. Adams had phoned him asking that he postpone SEC hearings on the Dixon-Yates matter because the House was considering an appropriation bill on it. The SEC hearings would have revealed that Adolph Wenzell had been planted inside the Budget Bureau to put across the Dixon-Yates deal. Mr. Pearson indicates that obviously Mr. Adams had not wanted that to be revealed before Congress voted.
On February 5, 1955, Mr. Adams had held a meeting with Republican Congressmen from the Northwest in his office regarding the competition between Northwest Airlines and Pan American Airways for the great circle route over the Arctic to Japan. The Department of Commerce had demanded that Pan Am obtain a duplicate route, but Mr. Adams had intervened, and the decision had gone to Northwest.
In June, 1955, former Senator Harry Cain of Washington, a Republican member of the Subversive Activities Control Board, had made an impassioned public plea for tolerance in handling alleged security risks. Mr. Adams had then intervened directly in the affairs of the independent Board, not supposed to be dictated by the White House, and ordered Mr. Cain to report to his office, where he bawled him out and later made sure that he was not reappointed to the Board.
In the spring of 1955, Pat McGinnis of the New Haven Railroad had wanted to take over the Boston and Maine. A group of New England bankers wanted to block the merger and to that end, wanted the Interstate Commerce Commission to investigate prior to a Boston and Maine stockholders' meeting, to discourage the merger. The ICC, however, declined to investigate. The chairman of the Commission, Richard Mitchell, told Senator Leverett Saltonstall of Massachusetts and Governor Christian Herter of Massachusetts that there would be no investigation. But a member of the Commission, Owen Clark, a close friend of Mr. Adams, was summoned to the White House and thereafter an ICC investigation was ordered.
Walter Lippmann regards the recent Hungarian executions of former Premier Imre Nagy, who had led the 1956 revolt, and three of his lieutenants, indicating that it was not known why the Soviet Government had determined that the executions were necessary, but that such an outrage to world opinion would not have been committed were there not compelling pressure within the Communist orbit for it to be done. The executions had occurred when the diplomatic talks in Moscow had shown that, regarding substantial issues, there were no negotiable positions which could be dealt with at a summit meeting.
He indicates that there was a bare possibility of an agreement to suspend nuclear testing, but if there were a suspension, it was likely to be done because the U.S. had its own reasons, as did the Russians, for thinking that more would be gained before world opinion than would be lost in weapons development. But there was no other issue on which there was even an approach to a meeting of the minds. On Central Europe, the Middle East and the Far East, and positions on the two sides of the Iron Curtain, the positions were irreconcilable and non-negotiable.
He regards the Hungarian executions as appearing much as if the man who had ordered or sanctioned them had not any longer cared to keep up the appearance of trying to negotiate an accommodation.
That there was no basis for negotiation was not a new development, as it had been present the previous December when Nikita Khrushchev had begun the campaign for a summit meeting, and was still present when the exploratory talks with Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko had gotten underway. Each side was asking for what amounted to unconditional surrender of the other's expansion since World War II. Both the Soviet Union and the U.S. had emerged from the war with enormously enlarged spheres of influence. The Soviet objective in the cold war was to push the U.S. back, forcing it out of Europe, the Middle East, North Africa, South Asia, the far Pacific and Eastern Asia. The U.S. objective was to push the Russians out of Europe, at least to the Bug River, out of Africa and most of Asia, and if possible back to the pre-war positions.
There had been irreconcilable and non-negotiable objectives from the beginning which made it certain that without large concessions on both sides, a summit meeting would not succeed. The Soviet Government wanted the U.S. to retire from all of Europe while they remained in the Eastern half, and the U.S. Government wanted the Russians to retire from East Germany and Poland while NATO, of which the U.S. was the principal power, remained inside a reunited Germany. To expect President Eisenhower and Premier Khrushchev to eliminate that conflict through talk was to refuse to see candidly what the conflict was.
Negotiation was impossible on each of the issues as long as each side had a position which was not negotiable. It was impossible to negotiate the reunification of Germany, a stabilization of the competition for power in the Middle East, and the best which could develop from it was what was already extant, a political stalemate among the great powers and the hope that at least the status quo would not be overturned by an explosion, for instance, in East Germany in Europe and in Lebanon or Jordan in the Middle East.
The diplomatic impotence of the great powers in dealing with the great issues meant that the great powers were losing their capacity to control events, with there being good reason to believe that the Soviet Union was no longer the undisputed leader of the Communist world. The trouble with Marshal Tito in Yugoslavia and the Hungarian executions were not localized and isolated events. At the same time, U.S. influence in the non-Communist world had declined considerably to the point that the U.S. had to guard against the temptation to recover its influence by an action, such as in Lebanon, which, once engaged, might be difficult to conclude.
He suggests that the great powers might lose control of the issues which they had not been able to settle, as was happening in Cyprus, at many points in the Middle East, and might occur in North Africa unless Premier Charles de Gaulle performed a miracle. He finds it a fair guess that as Russia and the U.S. remained deadlocked regarding the fate of East and West Germany, proving that they could not solve the German question, the time would come in the not too distant future when East and West Germany would negotiate with each other. "For what cannot be settled by the great powers will in one way or another be settled by others."
A letter writer from Des Moines, Iowa, remarks on a column by Rowland Evans, Jr., in which he had purported to report on the sentiment of Midwestern farm voters regarding the recent visit of Vice-President Nixon to South America and his general popularity among farmers. Mr. Evans had based his finding on interviews with 30 farmers in Newton Township, and from that isolated sample had attempted to provide a picture of the Midwestern farmer as generally hostile to the Vice-President and critical of his trip. He notes that in 1956, about a month before the election, Stewart Alsop had made a similar survey in the same Congressional district, finding results unfavorable to the President, who nevertheless polled 4,680 votes to 3,649 for Adlai Stevenson in that district. He believes that the conclusions of Mr. Evans were inconsistent with the experience of those who lived in the Midwest and came in daily contact with farmers and farm groups, that the popularity of the Vice-President in the area was at a new high and, as shown by a recent Gallup Poll, he would carry the Midwest in a presidential race if it were held at the present time. "The great courage and dignity displayed by the vice president during his South American visit has given additional impetus to the strong support for him which already existed in Iowa and other Mid-Western states." He concludes that the next time Mr. Evans wanted to tap the Midwestern farmer and voters' views, he ought obtain a more representative sample.
A letter writer indicates that for several years, Charlotte had won one of the safety awards in the nation, a credit to the city and the Police Department. He recalls seeing in each instance the picture and praise given to Capt. Henkle, head of the traffic division. But in a recent article in the newspaper concerning the same award in the current year, the name of Capt. Henkle was not mentioned. He thinks that the newspaper owed the captain and the Traffic Department an apology for ignoring them in the article, and that it should give credit where credit was due.
A letter from J. R. Cherry, Jr., indicates that the Louisiana Legislature and the people of that state were overwhelmingly opposed to racial integration in schools and had voiced strong sentiments to that effect, such that legislation had been proposed to close the schools if it became necessary to preserve school segregation. He says that whether a dissenting minority liked it or not, Louisiana's majority had the right to their point of view, and had a right under republican government to assume wide latitude in preserving racial integrity and to rear and educate their children in accordance with their "own good beliefs". The petition by 66 members of the LSU faculty which opposed the closing of public schools to preserve segregation had prompted the Legislature to suspect that Communist influence might be involved, leading it to propose an investigation of the activities of the 66 faculty members. "Of course, from the contemporary liberal point of view, it is sheer ignorance and impudence to suggest that there may be certain intellectual activities of the faculty which might be the proper concern of the Louisiana citizens who pay the taxes which fill the faculty's stomachs with bread." He finds that there was nothing about it which justified the "twisted, slanderous remarks" in an editorial in the newspaper on June 16 against the Legislature. He believes that the Legislature had simply seen its duty and had taken steps to execute it. He hopes that they would press forward with thoroughness and vigor and that if there were "Reds and Pinks" among the faculty, they ought be promptly fired and "held up by their rotten, treasonous collars for Louisiana's and the nation's mothers and fathers to see and be aware of before their Jack and Jill enter a university." He wants only "pro-American" education, not education by Communist infiltration of the faculties.
Once again exhibiting augury of the eeriest sort, Mr. Cherry presents a recipe for his fellow white Southerners under which Jack and Jill would break their crowns
Murder will out
A letter writer favors State Representative Jack Love in the runoff primary the following Saturday with incumbent State Senator J. Spencer Bell for the State Senate seat. He finds that Mr. Love had the interest at heart of the people of the state and of the county. He objects that Mr. Bell wanted, through his study committee on the courts, to eliminate the direct vote for judges by the people initially, in favor of gubernatorial appointment, after which, after a number of years, the public would be given the vote to confirm or not.
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